This is a digital copy of a book that was preserved for generations on library shelves before it was carefully scanned by Google as part of a project to make the world's books discoverable online.
It has survived long enough for the copyright to expire and the book to enter the public domain. A public domain book is one that was never subject to copyright or whose legal copyright term has expired. Whether a book is in the public domain may vary country to country. Public domain books are our gateways to the past, representing a wealth of history, culture and knowledge that's often difficult to discover.
Marks, notations and other marginalia present in the original volume will appear in this file - a reminder of this book's long journey from the publisher to a library and finally to you.
Usage guidelines
Google is proud to partner with libraries to digitize public domain materials and make them widely accessible. Public domain books belong to the public and we are merely their custodians. Nevertheless, this work is expensive, so in order to keep providing this resource, we have taken steps to prevent abuse by commercial parties, including placing technical restrictions on automated querying.
We also ask that you:
+ Make non-commercial use of the files We designed Google Book Search for use by individuals, and we request that you use these files for personal, non-commercial purposes.
+ Refrain from automated querying Do not send automated queries of any sort to Google's system: If you are conducting research on machine translation, optical character recognition or other areas where access to a large amount of text is helpful, please contact us. We encourage the use of public domain materials for these purposes and may be able to help.
+ Maintain attribution The Google "watermark" you see on each file is essential for informing people about this project and helping them find additional materials through Google Book Search. Please do not remove it.
+ Keep it legal Whatever your use, remember that you are responsible for ensuring that what you are doing is legal. Do not assume that just because we believe a book is in the public domain for users in the United States, that the work is also in the public domain for users in other countries. Whether a book is still in copyright varies from country to country, and we can't offer guidance on whether any specific use of any specific book is allowed. Please do not assume that a book's appearance in Google Book Search means it can be used in any manner anywhere in the world. Copyright infringement liability can be quite severe.
About Google Book Search
Google's mission is to organize the world's information and to make it universally accessible and useful. Google Book Search helps readers discover the world's books while helping authors and publishers reach new audiences. You can search through the full text of this book on the web
at http : //books . google . com/|
Digitized by
HARVARD-YENCHING LIBRARY
Harvard University Library
HYL(W)
DS 19 .H86
part 2 div. 1
m^
Digitized by
Digitized by VjOOQIC
Digitized by VjOOQIC
Digitized by
Digitized by
HISTORY .//yj. MONGOLS
FROM THE 9th TO THE iftk CENTURY.
Part II.
THE SO-CALLED TARTARS OF RU88U AND CENTRAL ASIA.
Division I.
Henry H. Howorth, f.s.a.
LONDON :
Longmans, Green, and Co.
1880.
Digitized by
HAflVARC - ,'ENCHINS UBRARy
OF th:^ ha.tvard college UBtWIV
Digitized by
C O N J' E N T S
Preface. - - — — - v xxxiv
Chapter I. - ~ 1-21
The Ethnography of Kipchak. - - 1
I. The Liiile Horde. - — — 7
II. llie Middle Horde. - 8
III. The Gn-at Horde. - - — »
Chapter II. Juchi and Baiu. 26 102
Juchi Khan. -- - — - - - — 25
Batu Khan. • •.•. - - - -*0
Sertak Khan. - - - 92
Notet. — - 93
Cliapter III. Bereke and the Descendants of Batu.- lai 191^
Bereke Khan. — - la?
Mangu Timur Khan . — - 125
Tuda Mangu Khan. - - 136
Toktogu or Toktu Khan. - - 141
Uzbeg Khan.-- - - -14*
TinibegKhan. - - -173
Janibeg or Janbeg Khan. 173
Berdibeg Khan. — - 17t^
Kildibeg, Kulpa, or Kulna Khan. - - 181
Nursbeg Khari. • 182
Cherkesbeg Khan. •— - - -182
Notes. — ~ 18a
Chapter IV. The Rival FamtHey. 195^-291
Khizr Khan. - - 195
Merdud or Berdud Khan. - - - 19«
Digitized by
The Descendants of Tuka Timnr. Ifts
Tughai. 200
Tughluk 'Jimur. 201
Murad Khoja. - 202
Kutlugh Khoja. 20:i
Pulad Timur or Pulad Khoja Khan. 203
Azis Khan. 201
Abdullah Khan. 20G
Hassan. 20f>
Tulunbek. -207
Ilban. •- - 207
Kaganbek. 20S
Muhammed Bulak Khan. - 2as
The White Horde. -216
Orda Ichen. 216
Kubin ji or Kochi. -^17
Bayan. - 2i:0
Sasibuka. 2Cl
Ebisan. ••- - « 221
Mubarek Khoja. 221
Chimtai. - 2CI
Urns Khan. 221
T'nktakia. - 231
• 'J iraur Malik. 22^1
Toktamish Khan. 225
Timnr Kutlugh Khan. -259
Shadibeg Khan.- - 20S
Pulad Khan. -3(55
Tioiur Khan. - - 2CH
Jelal Ud Din Kh;ui. -269
Kerimberdei kha:i. —270
Kibak Khan. - 270
Jebbarberdei Khan. - - 271
Chekre Khan. - • -271
^} id Ahmed Khan. — 272
Derwish Khan. 272
Kibak (Restored). *• - - • "•27a
l^high Muhammed Khan. -273
Borrak Khan. - - - 273
Digitized by
Devlet Berdi. 274
Kadirberdi. - -- • - -• - - 274
Ulugh Muhammed Rhan (Restored). - •*275
Notes. - — - - 283
Chapter V. The Later Khans of the Golden Horde and the
Khans of A.strakhan. — - 21^-362
Kuchuk Muhammed Khan. — ^-292
Mahmud Khan. - - -305
Ahmed Khan. - - — 305
Seyid Ahmed, Murtaza and Sheikh Ahmed Khans. 327
Kasim Khan. 349
Abdul Kerim Khan. — -350
Hussein Khan. ••- - - 351
Kasim Khan. — 352
Ak Kubek Khan. - - - 352
Abdul Rahman Khan. 352
Dervish Khan. — - - 353
Abdul Rahman Kh.in (Second Reign). 3.53
Yamugurchi Khan. - - -353
Dervish Khan (Second Reign). 354
Notes. " - — S5S
Chapter VI. The Khans of Kazan and Kasimof. 363 ^47
Kazan. - - 363
Ulugh Muhammed Khan and his Predecessors. - 363
Mahmudek Khan. 370
Khalil Khan. •- 370
Ibrahim Khan. 370
Ali or Ilham Khan., - - 374
Muhammed Amin Khan. 376
Mamuk Khan.- - -377
Abdul Latif Khan. - 377
Muhammed Amin (Restored). 378
Shah Ali Khan. 335
Sahib Girai Khan. - 3S0
Safa Girai Khan. : 3SS
Jan Ali Khan. — • - 393
Safa Girai Khan (Second Reign). - — -400
Shah Ali Khan (Second Reign). - 4a3
Safa Girai Khan. • 404
Digitize*d by VjOOQIC
Uiamish Girai Khan. 405
Shah All Khan (Third Reign). - 410
Yadigar Khan. - -- - — 412
Kasimof . —• 429
Kasim Khan. - ^.429
Daniyar Khan.- - -4:^0
Nurdaitlat Khan •- - — - 431
Saiilgan Klian. — - - -432
Janai Khan. ; - -- — 4S2
Sheikh Avliyar Khan.- - — 433
Shah All Khan. - - --4S3
Jan All Khan. - -433
Shah All Khan (Restored). — -433
Sain Bulat Khan. 435
Mustapha Ali Khan. - -435
Uraz Makbnaet Khan. - - —430
Alp Arslan Khan. 437
Seyid Burgan Khan. —437
Fatima Sultan. - 438
Notes. — " - --439
Chapter VIT. 'I'he Khans of Krim. 448—620
Haji Girai Khan. - - —448
Nurdanlat Khan. — -.452
Mengli Girai Khan.— - — 452
Nurdaulat Khan (Second Reign). •- — -454
Janibeg Khan. -466
Mengli Girai Khan (Second Reign). 466
Muhammed Girai K han.-- -- 468
Ga^i Girai Khan. - - • — 477
Saadet Girai Khan. — - - - —477
Islam Girai Khan. • 479
Sahib Gi rai Khan. - - - 479
Devlet Girai Khan. - ~ -488
Mnhatnmed Girai Khan II.-- — 512
Islam Girai Khan. — - - 518
Ga7i Girai Khan II. -•- •* •• -52:i
Feth Girai Khan. - - 628
G.w Girai Khan II (Restored). - - - - 629
Seliimet Girai Khan. - — 538
Digitized by VjOOQIC
Janibeg Girai Khan. - - - -538
Muhammed Girai Khan III. ••• 540
Janibeg Khan (Restored). - • 543
Inayet Girai Khan. - - - 543
Behadur Girai Khan. - 545
Muhammed Girai Khan IV. - 546
Islam Girai Khan III. - 547
Muhammed Girai Khan IV (Restored). - 553
Adil Girai Khan. - 558
Selim Girai Khan. 559
Murad Girai Khan. -— 6G2
Haji Girai Khan II. - 563
Selim Girai Khan (Restored). 563
Saadet Girai Khan II. - - 565
Safa Girai Khan. •- - 566
Selim Girai Khan (Third Reign). 666
Devlet Girai Khan II. •• - - - 568
Selim Girai Khan (For the Fourth Time). 570
Gazi Girai Khan III. -- — 571
Kaplan Girai Khan. 671
Devlet Girai Khan II (Restored). - 672
Kaplan Girai Khan (Second Reign). 574
Kara Devlet Girai Khan. - 676
Saadet Girai Khan III. 676
Mengli Girai Khan II. 676
Kaplan Girai Khan (Third Reign). 677
Feth Girai Khan II. - 679
Mengli Girai Khan II (Restored). 680
Selamet Girai Khan II. • : 681
Selim Girai Khan II. - - 581
Arslan Girai Khan. 582
Hakim Girai Khan. 5.S3
Krim Girai Khan. 584
Selim Girai Khan III. .585
Arslan Girai Khan (Second Reign). 5S5
Maksud Girai Khan, t — 585
Krim Girai Khan (Restored). — - 588
Devlet Girai Khan 111. -•••• 593
Kaplan Girai Khan II. -595
Digitized by
Selim Girai Khan III (Second Reign). — 595
Muksud Girai Khan. — — - - 595
Sahib Girai Khan II. 597
Devlet Girai Khan 111 (Restored). 59s
Shahin Girai Khan. - - - -598
Notes. - -•- —^10
Digitized by
TO
COLONEL YULE, CB.,
AMD
AUGUSTUS FRANKS, F.R.S., FSJl.
I DEDICATE the following pages to two friends whom I deem it a singular privilege to have known. Colonel YuLB, who has restored to us so much of the romantic history of the East, and whose accuracy and breadth of view have made his works European classics. He has proved to the letter the truth of the adage, that be who seeks to bring hcnne the wealth of the Indies must fill his galleons with corresponding wealth before he starts. He will not blame a scholar who wishes to put his master's name on the threshold of his work. Nor wiU my other friend, Mr. Franks, facik frinceps as an archseologist within our four seas, who distributes his bountiful knowledge with the generous prodigality that becomes the possessor of an overflowing store. Those who know him best will not dwell, however, on what is so well assured as his reputation, but will rather revert to that urbanity and unfailing kindliness which knits men closer together than all the wisdom of Solomon.
Digitized by VjOOQIC
Digitized by VjOOQIC
PREFACE.
IT 18 with great diffidence I venture to publish a second instalment of this history, an instalment dealing with a singularly unfrequented chapter in the great drama of human life, which, so far as English literature is concerned, inay be said to be completely unexplored. I know its faults and shortcomings too well to permit me to claim for it more than a modest reputation* I beUeve that it condenses the results of some honest labour, peihaps of more than the casual reader would imagine; that it deals with a complicated and intricate subject; that it attempts to arrange in logical sequence and continuity a series of hitherto disintegrated and broken fiicts; and I hope that It may fiuniali some future historian with a skeleton and framework upon which to bnild his palace, when he shall clothe the diy bones with living flesh. Beyond this I make no claims. My critks have been singularly fofbearing in their treatment of mj former volume, and it is a supreme satisfsction to me to have made throogh it a number of friends^ whose tenderness to my fSsilings has been as conspicuous as their own learning. Perhaps I may claim their general consent that underneath the superficial Csnlts there remains a substantial addition to historical literature which future researches will not entirely displace* If a IIbw remarks have seemed unfidr, it is only a very small element compared with the great number of suggestions which have been not only fair, but generous. As some of the criticism passed upon the toner volume will apply equally well to this, I would hold a pariey beforehand with those who wield the scalpel upon points in which the patient may perhaps claim to be heard as well as the doctor. One has complained of my style, that it has not the majestic ring of Gibbon, or the easy flcrw of If acaulay. It is indeed easy for me to plead guilty to this charge. I question whether either Gibbon or If acaulay, gifted as they werc^ fsr beyond my capacity, could have traversed the arid steppes of Asiatic histoiy, tracked out the rivuleU and staeams which must be traced if its course is to be known at all, and dealt with unfamiliar localities, unconth names^ perpetnal and monotonous fighting, and ^th materials such as these have presented a pleasant picture to the fancy. To embroider a glorious quilt we must not only have fine colours, but a chaste pattern; bit when the ootoor is uniibrmlydull, and the pattern is uncouth and rude, we cannot hope to attract the casual ^re. But iriiy this mass of delaib ? why not paint a few generalities, grasping the main stoiy In a few choke phrases^ and leaving the rest to dUivion? Here we have an issue on which I most not cry quarter. Qenetalitiee, broad dednctkHM, the phfloeopfay of hlstoiy, that is pleasant feeding enoogh, and fer that pleasant writing too, but it is surely as vickyos as the dialectic of the schoolmeOi until we have mi^ped out the details of our
Digitized by
vi PREFACE.
subject. He wbo comet after, who can epitomise^ who can point the moral of the whole itory, whoee view of the wood it not blunted and ob&cured by the proftation of treet, may do all thit» and will atttvedly gain the reward of being read in hit paint ; but before he can begin it it necetsary, etpecially in inch fieldt at thote of Atiatic hittoiy, that tome one thonld trace out, itep by tt^ and link by link, the crooked ttory, and tpend nighu and dayt in doing the work of the backwoodtman, in clearing away the tangle, in catting down the mde forett, in running hit ploogfa through the virgin furrow ; and when he hat made all move or leti clear, then hit children will come and plant gardent and orchards where he toiled. They will not remember perchance the woric tiki went before, they will grumble if tome mde ttump that defied the pioneer't axe still blocki their way, but the harvest will be none the leti largely doe to hit labour ; and when he liei down to sleep, if he have done no man, dead or living, an injustice, if he have not stolen what he displays at hit own, and bravely confesses that his rough-hewn chidr is not so comfortable to sit in as that made by a more practised hand, he will perchance have the satisfaction which some say is worth living for, of having done his best at what his hand found to do*
Style I profess in this work to have none. In some places, where perseverance has almost succumbed under the load of monotonous detail, I feel on reading the phrases again at if they had been written in the nnsophisticated days of early school life, when style and punctuation were both contemned. It has been as much at patience and vigilance could secure that the nsmtive should be intelligible, and in many places where the pen would ^ningly have run riot, where a little poetry might have been scattered among the phrases, the temptation has had to be sternly resisted, for fear the facts should be distorted, and lest vihkt is necet- tarily a veiy compressed narrative should swell over untold volomet. The fiidts I have tried to make clear and accurate. In many placet I know I have failed, h^ omnia possumm ^mfir — tometimet through the frailty which all suffor ftom occasionally, sometimes when ill health lias made the task of revision irksome and difficult, sometimes when new material has reached me after the stoiy was irrevocably printed ; but I have at least this excnte, that none of the gianu under whoie thadow I have walked have escaped similar casnalties— all of them are found tripping tomethnet. It would be a poor and a mean victory for their tcholar to drag out and pin down the occations of their faltering, and it is no ambition of mine to do so. In nearly all cases I have told the stozy as I thought it should be read, giving my authority, and passing by my master's mistake without caHing attention to it. It would be blind indei&d to attribute to merit what is the mere result of good fortune. Perfection is indeed beyond our grasp, as the most shallow philosophy wHl teach one ; but if it be so, it becomes doubly true, as the prorerb says, that '* the best is tiie greatest enemy of the good." He whoso fastidiousness prevents him giving the vtrorld no product which it not perfect, it not only pottponing publJcsEtion to eternity, but is robbing the world of its tee heritage in utUisfaig the advance, faulty as it may be, which he has made. I am contcioiiSy therefore, that the foQowiog pages are fhll of foults; but X
Digitized by
FRSFACB. vii
wovld tak tiM moffi canttio of my trities, befbra they tie my scalp to their girdle, to «t loMt took at my 100 unpte tiiUe of emu and addidons, e^ those attached to Chapter IV^^^vhich deals with svch a dHBcoIt secUon of this Ustofy. The book has had to be both wrktea and printed under considerable difficvliiesywh^ the fiaoarcee of the author, iq^ whom the borden and cost of such a work Aamndly IUI» have been too email to aUow him to have an uoHmlted aonlber of proelii for correedon* If some bhmder therafore seems nore than nsnaUy etapid, do me the finrevr, asost benevolent critic, who woidd be flOthittf if not fiank, to torn to the calendar of sins at the end, wImto I have oommittdl " The Hi^py Deepatch,*^ and saved yo« tbo ttoetble of running yoitr steel into mot
In the ^elUBg of the names I have had even greater difficulty than beft>f«. hie a peadiati^ of the Turkish dialeoUthat Duniliar propernamee assume difisrent losms among them, and that the names which good Muhsmmedans give their dxildren hmn the Koran become distorted in diffsrs&t wayaly fh» Tartars of Kasan, >y Um Kasaks, etc«f ete.« add, tbenCbi^ add aaother difficnltyio the usual sources of embairssemsnt in wgttd to Bastem names. Witfi oveiy deference to tiie argnmenu I hasi eeen oo this subject, the difficulty remains at preeeal insoluble, and our way must be • compromise ■ too often an faiconsistent compromise. This I know has been the caee widk me. I can only hope that some reasonable solutiixi may sometime be forthcoming^ and thajt in the following pages, bristling with proper name% that this fiailty has net caused any eertous errors of statements of iact»
Fault may, pediaps» also be found with the number and iteration of my references. , Here, again, I have a theoiy which may not be that of my critics. The greater part of history is an ioductkm from certain facts. It comprises, therefore, besides the actual data of our authorities^ the personal equation of the historian* For the student, the critical student, it is absohitely necessary that he should be able to separate these two elements. I^ Kience^ at least, we can admit of no infiallibility. In such inquiries as ours, there Is no court of final appeal, which can decide once and for ever the truth or falsity of any position. The prejudice and the bias of the historian's political and social theories inevitably colour his arguments, and make him, even when most judicial, more or less an advocate ; nor can any man be omniscient, even in the limited range of one historical panorama. While it is quite certain that, however well finished the work, it must inevitably, before many years« become in part, if not altogether, obsolete from new diKoveries. A coin, an Inecription, a mere trifle in appearance, may dislocate the whole of a long chain of inference, and demand that the work shall be redone. For these reasons^ therefore^ it is assuredly necessary that a history, which is more in the form of mosaic than aught else, in which the various pieces have had to be brought together from many sources, should contain references for eveiy fact. But there is another and a more important reason— one which has a, moral aspect rather than a critical one-*and that is that no man has a right to appropriate the work of others, the deductions of others, even when slightly altered by himself, without assigning them due credit for the same. For a man to parade himself in a costume that he has borrowed from a thousand sources, and to
Digitized by
Vlil PRBFACE.
which he has add^ a merp Ibather or two« or eren two hondredi and to make believe before the wpild that he. <' Japiter omnitoieni^'' is the author of it all, is to act, indeedi the part of the cormorant^ and to iavite a fierce onsUoght from the critioal aaatomista of the fotore (inch an onaUnght as Leibnits made on Descartes,' lor iiAtance)» when fbey pull his work in pieces, and show whence hehas drawn his matter, and how nnjntt has been his i^>ropriatton. It is not a mere shadow I am arguing agafaist, it is the active theory of a large school of historian^ espedaUy in Qermany; and I may histance one famons example without hesitation, shice I greatly venerate him and his imdiense learning, and look upon him as the profoondest and most accurate writer which historical science has in oor day produced^— I mean Mommsen. His Magmnn 0pu9 is a work of genhu soch as has hardly been matched in historical inquiry, bnt it is literally of very llt^ valne to the stodent. From end to end there is scarcely a reteeoce; the whote, which is a masterly condensation of most heterogeneoos and scattered materials, has to be accepted on the ^dKsMf of its antfaor. TUis is well enough if we are reading **Ivanhoe" or *<Romola,"bnt assnredlyit is nnfiidr to the reader and oselessto tiie stodent of urmu k$st9iy ntilesi we know on what data certain views are propounded, while it is emiiiently nrftir to those who went before. Will anyone say that Uommsen's work would have been pos«ble if Niehbnhr had never written, and yet the name of Niehbohr occors hardly once thronghoot the book ; nor do the names of others who have followed np certain diffienlt inquiries. To reap their harvest, to pnt it all in oor own com-rick, and then to label it with our own name, is assuredly not quite right, whatever sdMme of historical casuistry we adopt It is not right in a small man, but it is grievously wrong in a giant, whose knowledge ovendiadows that of all othess, and whose reputation is dwarfed rather than enhanced thereby.
Another writer from whoita I have learnt a great deal more than I can tell, and whose praises I have sung in a former volume, is a second example of this fault. It is only after going through the intricate mases of a difficult ethnographic problem that one can thoroughly appreciate the ekill and knowledge of Klaproth, but the preparation for the same work at the same time brings vividly before us how very much of his material has been taken from other sources without a word of acknowledgment Thus, in his **TraveUi in the Caucasus'* there is a gn4>hic account of the Kalmuks running through nine chapters, which is literally transfiBrred from Pallas's little known work, entitled ^ Samlungen Historischer Nachrichten ueber die Mongolischen Volkerschaften ** without acknowledgment. Elsewhere he has similarly laid under contribution the translations from the Chinese of Ae Russian archimandrite, Hyacinthe Biturinski* Thhi is assuredly unworthy of such a man.
There is another charge of which I feel inwardly guilty, and to which I would make a reply beforehand, and that is as to the focus of various parts of the work. It may be said that I have enlarged too much upon the obscurer and less important parts of the story, and thus by comparison dwarfed the relative importance of the other parts— that in some cases, in fact, I have looked through a telescope, and in others through a microscope; in some have
Digitized by
FAITACI. fac
lintiMwlidewoodia bioad liaeibia oChert eUbonted •6parftt« tieei ia moMConoQS dataU. This It tnw aooogh, aad it no doubt affKU tho trtittsc w§mmt/ay of tff ptetMO Twy m»ttri>lly> Tho eaeote is perhaps only a partial OMt Imt sncli aa it is I ofiv it Soma parts of tho ^mtwif are over wdl tnddeB aad Will sonrorad giooad. We havt not to make sore of our fbptlioM iaa foaldnf mosaea by driving in piles before we step. Here, tiierefote, we can aaasch with greater freedom and aafoty, and need not daborate our road aa we fo aloog. Other parU are leee fcaowa, and, «hhoiigh poUticaliy leea lnpostant« are ethaologically not eo^ and it is absolutely necessary tomce them out aocorately and frilly II we ate to grasp the whole subject frnaly-'-lieie we necesearUy have to link together details, and to labour amall frictStWlUeh. ase the onljr matedatowe pocsess» and thus to frishion emsshee m readwair through the virghi swamp. It is assuredly Tcry that the hedtage of Jiagia Khan^ broken as it is Into so many should be capable of beiag cemented together agahi by a (Stflfy« thai we should be able to recover the pedigrees of so many Oaea of prtnoes daimiag descent from hha la their ealirefy, and thas to aggregate hito oae hiatoric whole a laadacape tiiat eeeais 9X, fint an broken iato subslaativa uaka. Thia can oaly be doae by the coUecdoa at many points of the stoi^ of obscure details, and diiaa^e Justifies their collection, a labour which, if tadioBa to the reader, has besia tsafold more tedious to the wiiler, who hae had tagieaa over acres of barxea and uaproductlve ground to secare here and there a soUtaiy ear of grain.
I wiM now ceadenoe briefly a (QrUabua of the cooteata of the following pafse: The vdume may be coasidered afaaost a separate work fr:om that which weal beftffe. The greater part of It has oaly a coIUteral connection with it. Jfaigia Khan had frmr soasi Of tiiese, the eldest, Juchi, died befive Uaitbat he had already been aasigaed his poetioa of the inheritance by his litiisr. That portion coasieted ia the tribes eacamped in the district formeriy eeeipoeing the emph:e of Kara Kiital. In thia inheritance Jochi was SBCceeded by hk eldeet eoa, Orda. Alter the deaths of both Juchi and his fruher, Battt, a younger brother of Ofda^a, undertook an esqpedidon into Central Burope^ and coaqueiad a wide area of the country, which he left to his descandaats. Thia coan^sed tiie coaaisy from the Yaik to the Carpathian moaatahtti and induded a euserainty over Russfau Another brother, named 8heiban» was aseigaed the tribes living in tiie couatiy^of the Kirghiz Kazaks, wl^ another deecendaat of Juchi, Nogai, was given the various tribes of Turks onoe known aa Pechenegs^ and in biter thnea called Nogais kosa hhttsel£ Theee vaiioua tribee were recruited sometime hi the fourteenth century, oa the break up of the special appanage of Ogotai, Jingis Khan's lecond son, by a large migration from Sungaria. These various tribes and peoplea were sabfect to a hierarchy of chieft, all owing mose or less supreme nHi>jgffi«i^ to the mler whose metropolis was 6erai, on the Volga, and the whole aie comprised ia the phrase, the Odden Horde. The first chapter of ttito woric coataina an etfanographioal account of the different tribes and clans compeeing the Golden Horde in this its widest sense. The second chapter gives a history of Juchi Khaa, of Batu Khan, and of his son Sertak, and
Digitized by
X PRBTACS.
datcribMlhaatrfycaiiipalgiitof the lloacoli ia Cttlna tad Baitem Boropo. The thifdchi^pter dtatt with the hiatoiy of the Qoldea Hoide doriag Oie relga of Bcreke, the brother end eocceaeor of Beta, end of the lettet'e deeceadante to the time of the eitincrioa of hie Itnily, daiiag ii^ich tioie Rueele wee viftaettyaMoofol pteiviacei The foarth chapter deele with the etragglee tiiet tiierenpon eaeaed between the deeceadante of other eoae of Jachi Ibr fBpreamqr la the Khanate, which ended hi the tiiaaiph of the fiuaily of Ocda. The fifth chapter traeee the hietocy of the Qoldea Horde daiiag the period of ite decay, aad aatil it had by ▼artoae eeceeeioae dwhidled dowa to the laiaUKbanateof Aatrakhan, andtracee tiie hietoiy of thie petty Khanate till it wuoverwhehned by Raeeia. In theee foar cheptere I hafo endeavoored to trace oat the ttoty of the originel coaqaett of Raesia by the lloagole (trttom I have here called TartareX* the oonditioa of Raetfai doriag the Tartar domiaation, aad the inteceethig proceee by which it gradnally enuacipated itailf from thie yoke^ aad eveataally trammed aader ite oppreeeors; aad have tried to poiat ont how flur the ooaqneit hae affBCted tiie hietory aad the social aooooaiy of that great aad iatereetiag empire. I have aleo tried to ihow how dariag the Tartar eapnoiacy the Soath of Raeeia, aader the infloeace of a etroog rule, wae the focae of a vast trade aad coltare, aad tiie meaae by whidi Cairo, Baghdad, aad Pddag were brooght iato very doeeooatact with Venice, Oeaoa, aad the Haaeeatic towae; aad have described the terrible campaiga which the Great Timnr waged in Borope, and which broke the power and prestige of the Golden Horde.
As I have said, the empire, connoted by this phrase, broke asander into several fragmeats* Of these, one wae the Khanate of Kasao, on the Ifiddle Volga, which, with its snbordioate satellite, the Khanate of Kashnof, forms the subject matter of the sixth chapter. The chief interest of this is the porpetoal straggle it carried oo with Russia ia the Tciy heart of that emphe^ nntU it was conctaered and appropriated in the eixteenth century. The cooqnest of te Khaaatee of Kaian and Astrakhan tarried the bordere of Rnssia, which had hitherto not extended fttrfcher east than the rirer Sura, as 1^ as the Volga, and inmiensely increaeed its resoorcee. A more imporUnt fragment of the Qqlden Horde is that whose history is told in the seventh chapter, namely, the Khanate of Krim, or the Crimea, vi^ich vras only crashed and annexed by Russia at the end of the last centary« This Khanate^ vrhich became an oatpoet of the Ottomaa Turks for several eeatariee, barred Russia from access to the Black Sea, as the poesessions of the Swedes and Danes, and of the Livonian knights, barred it from access to the Baltick, and thus prevented an immenee community from partaking readily in the fruits of culture and civilisation, which were the heritage of Weetara Barope.
Eaatof the Volga, the Kirghix Kasakeare a race whoee history is difficalt to follow, and yet who form oae of the meet interesting of noaiadic conuaaal* tiee. They are the deeceadaate for the aioet pert of the tribee subject to the eldeet eon of Juchi Khan. The histoiy of theee tribee, frees the time when tiiey first became a distUict entity until they were ebeerbed by Roeshi, occupies
* For a jattiiaitioB of thii •#• ii^my p«gt sf*
Digitized by
PREFACl. xi
the eighth chapter, which I believe eonttias a oontiderable ainoimt of mttter new to English readers. The tribes who were governed by Sheiban, and who were afterwards known as Uxbegs, under which name they have filled nch an important r6U In Asiatic history, are the subject matter of the ninth, tenth, and eleventh chapters. The ninth chapter deals with the histoty of the important Uxbeg Khanates of Bnkhara and Khokand, and of the varioos petty Vthtg principalities which have broken away at va rioas times from the Ibrmer. It traces the history of these areas from their invasion by the Usbegs^ at the beginnhif of the shcteenth ceotory, down to oor own day. The tenth chapter deals witii the Khanate of Khnarerm, or Khiva, which waa also founded by tiie Usbep shortly after that of Bokhara, and traces its crooked and diffictth history down to Its vfainal conquest by Rnssia a few years agOp The eleventh chapter deals with the Khanate founded in Siberia by a braacb of the Usbegs, and contains a full and detailed notice of its destruction by tho Cossacks in the sixteenth century. The last chapter is devoted to the Nogais, the most disintegrated, broken, and scattered of any of tile branches of the Oolden Horde^ and traces out their dry and monotonous histoty as fiu: as our materials wiU permit.
Thus v^e complete oor survey of the various fragments into mhkh the Oolden Horde was broken. ItwOl be seen that, with the exceptioo of three or four comparatively unimportant links, we are able to trace out the genealogies of tiie many princes who have ruled over this area and its sectiona back to their great progenitor JIngis Khan, and thus to give unity and compleKeoess to a vast mass of details which almost evade togical treat- ment from their sporadic and dislocated nature. We by this means, as it were, thrust our hand into a vast complicated and knotted skein of cords, and by seising ono knot, the key of the iriiole, drag out a portion and arrange its threads in symmetrical order. A second portion occiqpied us in oor former volume, deaUng with riie Mongols proper and the Kalmuks ; a third, treating of the khanates of Jafstai and Kashgar, of the empire of the Ilkhana of Perria, of that founded by the great Thnur, and lastly, of its more ikmoaa daughter, the Moghul empire of India, with an index tO the wiiole, will complete our task, and we hope that wa may have strength and patience to compass it.
As this work Is prolMeedly a coUeciioii of details, it will not be deemed unprofitable that we should tty and abstract some general lessona from them. These lessons are of two kinda— ethnological and politicaL In tracing out the migrations of a stsong-backed race of nomades, In tracking them from the ateppes and prairies, where riie herdsman and riie shepherd are alone at homs^ until we find them invading the latitudes of cities and of cornfields, gradually thanging their mediod of living and becoming dtisens and settlers, v^e naturally fbllow in the spoor of the great human procession which comes out of darkness, and is marching whither v^e cannot telL Notin Mongolia only» and not among Tartars only, has the herdsman and the nomade been the progenitor of the ybagMoy and of the fMmmci that gather together in cities. This seema to be a general law of human progress. So, at least, it has tOMoonaiderod by «aay rspetable wtitera on public poliQr, and we need not
b
Digitized by
xii PREFACE.
waste our rfaetofic IB proving it. We may gainer a more piofitable harvect b7 a lets ambttiona sorvey. ^Vhat» then, are the fiictt, sUted briefly ? A broken race of thepherda occaples the coontry round the aovthem shorea of Lake Baikal and the district to the east of it» a race numbering peihapa half a mOUoB souls at the outside. This race, broken- into variona fragmenta, is welded together into a homogeneoua whole by a strong hand. It haa the usual virtuea of those who have to labour hard Ibr their livelihood under harsh drcumstances. It is strong and healthy and enduring, as all racea of nomades are. It has iew wanta, and little culture. Its life is a variation between tendbg camels and cattle and fighting for its own against robber neiglibonrs. Its home is between the polar wind of winter and tiie unbearable aun of the steppe in suosmer. With it, firagality and temperance, perseverance and a belief in rigid obedience and discipline, are dementary virtues. Courage to fiice all odda, supreme oonfldenoe in itself, supreme contempt Ibr the weak and the frivolous, without any traces of mere philanthropy in ita national spirit, and with all the atiil«ecked aasnrance of the prosaic Philistine. These are not amiable virtues, but they are at least strong and moving ones; they secrete tiie underlying marrow in the bone which enabled three uhlans to enter a hostile town with a langh on their lipa, which nerved that fiunoua soldier who seized the Great Moghul by the collar and dragged him lorth from tiie midst of a crowd Of flinatkal fiiUowers, and which was the companion of Colonel Stoddart when he madly rode his charger into the r^yal square at Bukhara during the solemn season of Ramaaan, as we shall ihow further on. It explains all those acta of heroic courage and pertinacity where a man haa dared to fiice outragejua odda— the Thermopylss of history; the susf taining examples when in difficulty of those brawny races who have made tiieir neighbours bow the neck and have dragged their country to the fore. Of this hard grit were the Mongols made. When auch I6lk have been manipuUted by a master hand, who haa been a bom*warrior» who could invent a new system of tactics and devise a commiasariat that is sttU the wonder and riddle of the inquirer, could plan vast schemes, and have the courage to face any difficulty, who trained a crowd of subordioatea with few other ambitions than to receive his favour from whom their own skill and resources seemed inspired ; when the soldiery he commanded were rea^ to do anything he ordered them, were never cowed or disheartened by momentary checks or defeats, but seem to have looked upon their leader as a god, and lost an sense of individual aim in eagerly struggling to be his servanU, and when by a series of victories that most potent of all human motives is begotten, namely, the confidence a people has in iu own invincibUl^, the feeling that the earth is its special heritage and that all other races and peoples who will not obey must perforce be swept away like stubble, that underlying reserve of power which, according to Beranger, makea the Gallic cock crow the loudest when gashed with the deepest wounds— then you get such an extraordinary movement aa took place in £aatem Mongolia in the beginning of the thirteenth century. Jingis Khan, Timur, Nadir Shah, in the East- Alexander, Cfiesar, Napoleon, m the West-are the symbols of such movements, having a common explanation and teaching a common lesson; but the revolution efiected by Jingis Khan was far more potent than the rest.
Digitized by
xiii
WhAt did he in fiKi do? Haviiif orpaittd and ooatoMdated bii Mottfol cauttUjmcai he ap^ly cooquered the vniione Turldih trihie of Centrel Ada* Dlflvinf in kngoagep there wm jvta oonueDon bond of imioa, in oomaMMi cQitoine^ aad in the iiKt» which hae beea too littte ohtenred, that he and hii race were oCTmfciihorifiBt and notMooiola* The Turka in all parts ol Alia, after a oMnentary reeietance, collapeed akogelher and Joined hie am^;* Ik thna gi^iwIikaaroliiagtaowballitttheAlpe. Evtqr tribe that it enooefttend and deCMted fell into rank behind hhtt and Joined inhiatriaBphalmareh»jaat aa Heetiaai, and Polea, and Italiane CBOowed Na|MleoOt and aa the Yariona raeee oC BoTQi^ were earned in the Roaumanniea. Theie waa little ootbreak or rebeUiott anMmg then, and wheie it occimed it waa aierrileetly lepreased bgr the esthpation of the whole race. The peipetoal wceeie of hia arms was the most potent of consolidatinf forces, and when he died thoee whoee master he was^ were not a dtsmtefirated mob, but a natiott-^ nomadic natioai no doobty hot boond together by a fanattesl loyalty to himeelf and his Cuni^t and linked also by a singularly ingeoioiis and practical hierarchy of rvlcrs.
His emigre was dirided into fimr sections among his sons. These divisions sobsisted longhand were all feodal^ snbeerrient to the senior houses which re^^nedinthefiureast Then they broke asmder. Then eadi one disintegrated into smaller ftagmettts, and eveotoally inso atill smaller. One eitraordinary teture, however, aa I have stated, niled aseanwhile a tetam which made the work we are writing poesible. All these sections^ gieal aad small, were ruled by princes of the sacred caste, and had an aristocqicy off the aame descent Jingis Khaa was the firaotain of all tiheir prineely hoosss, while the upper caste, eqoivalent to the aristocracy and middle class with ns, which there as everywhete in histoty kept alive the love of fieedom, the aspiration after other tUngs than those which distract tiie aayUtioo of the bovine smsses, who added the salt to the hunp, the iron to ^b» bhMkI, who formed te steel-head of the wooden spear, were also in the mahi of Mongol descent They belonged in the language of the Xasaks, the ptondeet and most illnstrioos of robbers, whose polity is the most democratic of oligarchies, to the dass of white bones; while thoee whom they led and tasght and commanded bek>nged to the dass of black bones. This was monnniversid than is generally snpposed. The fragmenta of the Mongol empire may be roughly divided into two classes. Those which continued nomadic aa betoi^ whose people perfi^ce remained herdsmen and shepherd^ since their coontiy was beyond the limits of cultivated land; of theee the Kasaks and Kahnoka are notable examples to this day, and the rule about white bones and black bones is universal amongst them. In the other section the Mongols overran and conquered settled ooontries-- Russia, China, and Persia. Here the same law applied in a disguised form. Here also the ruling caste, the aristocracy and upper strata of the country, were descended tom the vigoroue invaders; the handicraftsmen and hinds who worked and sufiered for them were the old hidigenes whom they had conquered, and their descendants. In China and Persia it was notably so. In Russia it was so also on a smaller scale, as tiie note on page 36a will partially evidence. The invaders In iQ caeee were of course a fractieo merely of the old inhabitants. Th^
Digitized by
XIV
PltSTACB.
for the most fwrt accipUd wives from Um latter, and tkne their leagMn and other aopeffidal qualitlee diiappeand. They wefe, is fiK^t, ia oidittfy phraseology, ahmbed; hot thii word nmet not he takaa too litetally. We can teat its meaning by a parallel loetance elaevvhere— Inland, for example, at the Norman Conquest. The aristocracy, the upper caate, in this country was virtuaUy ewept away or trodden under, and waa replaced hf a aoie vigoroqa and eneivetic one. This snbstitntion in the class which alone has wealth and leisore, the two Ibeter mothers of the arts; which can alone indalfe in the luxury of education and dispUy, means a huge impulse given to progroM of all lands. It is a curious feature in the history of dvilleaUoo that it is not continuous, that it should have to pass through periods of stagnatioa and decay, and have to be renewed by fresh ideas, sown by rough and unsopUsti- cated hands. Just as in nature tiie most bonntifiil harvests of summer u% generally garnered after the severest wfaiters, just as the proveiUal green of the NUe valley needs that periodically the river shaU overflow its banks, and cover the remains of last year's crops with a layer of mud, so it is with human progress. Worn out and sc^hlsticated communities require to be over- whehned for awhUe by a wave fcom the deep water which has not been tainted nor disturbed, and apparently the deeper the ground is torn up^ the greater the desolation lor the moment, the longer the fields lie fallow, die more generous will be the harvest* The instance of the Mongols is only a type of a geneial law. Asa rule the several strata or layers which lorm a human community represent the several waves of successive conquerors or immigrattts who have fiKtHised and strengthened the race. Where the country Is small and homogeneoos, theso social straU are generally arranged hi vertical fashion, the aristocracy and middle class, who are virtuaUy drawn ftom the same source, representing the later, and the hewers of wood and drawers of water the earlier streams of migration. Where the area is krge and iu surlaGe much diversified, these layers have rather a horiioatal di^ributson; the Remoter, more rugged, and inaccessible parts of the country being the refuge of what remains of the eariiest inhabitants, the more fertile and desirable parts being appropriated by the latest comers. England, txclyding Wales, may be taken as a concrete example of the former rule, and India of the latter. The Cahtbrian peasant and the Milanese m^le, the Gallidan boor and the CastOian hidalgo, the Oalway squatter and the Norman peer, are European instances of a contrast which is universal, and which the historian explains by the contemporaneous existence, side by side^ of a primitive indigenous^ and an invading and nwre developed type of human being. In Russia the Mongols have produced examples of both laws; not only have they largely recruited the upper ranks in the country, but they have planted large colonies in the vaUey of the Volga, which will no doubt be as easUy assimUated by that meet absorbent of Arian races, the Eastern Slavs, as the other races whom it has swallowed up. Presently this mixture may devetope a human type which our philosophy has hardly contemplated. The Slavs as a race are notoriously as mohfle as mercury— so notoriously that a national saying compares them to Junket Wherever they have proved themsehres a strong-wUled and coherent race^ they have been led apd governed
Digitized by VjOOQIC
hy ttnngtn, who have ghrtn boot u4 tiaew to tbo Invertebrate mass. The old Rassian aristooracjy as is well known, was of Scandinairiaa origin ; tiie later has a cosmopolitan pedigyeei and it may well be that the miztnm oC Rnssian with Tartar that is taking place on the Volga and in Western Siberia will en>lve " the coming race/' wliich shall have iu day when our children have ceased to be—
** Tht htin oTiU tht agM In th« immost nnb of Ufflt.*
There is another ethnological problem of a wide and general interest, of which the stndy of the Mongob helps us to a solution* When we examine for the first time the race changes which have taken place in soch a compli- cated a ea as Central Asia, we are baffled by their seeming perversity and aimlessness. A dose and detailed study of these movemente, which alone Is of any valne^wHl show that they are not so inegular as they at first seem, but that a more or less general law underliee them. Movemente of races are limited very sharply by physical considerations* Mountains and deserte are practically as great barriers as the ocean itself ; tl^y thus govern very largely the direction of migration. Again, the existence of strong powers at certain points act as potent breakwaters to the drifUog of nomadic tribes. Hence it follows that when we have tracked out a large migration like that of the Mongols through iU various eddies and fluxes, we can more or less map out the genera] route which other similar migrations must have followed. We can not only gauge the direction of the gravitation, but also put our fingers on the weak parte of the embankment, where the tide is the most likely to have broken through. We thus find that with the Mongols who come from the banks of the Onon and the Kerulon, although they eventually fought with and won China, yet that that powerftU empke acted for a time as a barrier, and a large division of various tribes which were set in motion by Jingis Khan moved westward with the sun until It reached the Carpathians ; another great wave, turning round the great outliers of the Pamir plateau, flooded over the Jazartes and the Oxus, and stopped not till Baghdad was hi their power; while a third and later wave, an afterflow of the main tide, swept over North- western India and put the great Moghul on the throne of Delhi. This involved a vast movement, which shifted the centre of gravity of the Turkish tribes many degrees to the west of ite former position. If we now remit the Mongols to their original home, and restore thhigs to the condition they were in at the accession of Jingis Khan at the end of the twelfth century, and analyse the race revolutions of the centuries preceding that date-~a work whkh I have tried to do in some detail elsewhere— we shall find that the Tttiks who preceded the Mongols as the dominant race in Asia followed the same lines. They, too, pushed westward! to the Carpathians; they, too^ flooded over the Jaxartes and the Oxus, and overran Syria and Asia Minor, thus stretching their hands even beyond the Mongol reach, while at the other end of Persia they crossed the Indus, and also founded an empire of Delhi ; and as If to make the parsllel complete, although they did not conquer all China, they did overmn its northern portion and ruled it for awhile. This carries us back to the sixth century.
Digitized by
3Cvi PRBFACE.
Digitized by
PRXFACB. XVii
duet aad tiuces from the various towns and dittiktt— pnblicana wko famed oot the reveniiey and who» like tiiU famou gcnoi thronghoat the Eaat, had a coounoa ancestor in the horso^ech that ever cried for more, and who drained the vety vitals of the land. These gadflies, and the min cansed by periodical raids for plunder^ were jthe main economical hindrances to the nation's progress. A hhidraace of another kind was the fierce inqnisitorial and Jeakms snpeiw vision which the Mongol soserains exacted at eveiy torn from the roling caste, and ^Mdk was aggravated by the jealonsies aad strifos of the various princes, who ontdid each other in sycophancy. Those ignoble vices which men who crawl inherit became natoraUy prevalent, and spread with natural rapidity to the lower straU oC society— deceit, chicaneiyt servility, aad mutual distrust, the common property of slaves. Not is it easy for those wlw have never had the ptooghshare ran through their own flesh and thatrof their children; who have had a strong arm to lean upon, and have not been perpetually linked arm-in-arm with suspicious and treacherous aeigfaboors, to preach homilies on such a state of things. Presently, two potent reforms began the work of lifting the nation oat of the slough. By their address, and by their am^e promises and foitfafol servicei^ the Raseiaa princes obtaked fiom the Tartars the privilege of beiag the foimers of the tax. They made themsdves aaswerable for it, aad thus got rid of the hatefol preseace of the commissaries. At the same time the cuhwe which was grafted npoa the Tartars by their coaversioa to iiuhammedanism, and the intercourse that ensued betweea Cairo aad Sultaaia oa the one hand aad the baaks of the Volga oa the other, together with the wealth aad luxury ladnced by the great trade route from ladia aad Chiaa passiag through their couatiy to the aiaru frequeated by the eaergetic aierchaats of Qeaoa aad Veaice, iatroduced a much milder regime aad more humaaitariaa views at the Tartar coort, which vras reflected ia their treatmeat of their /rstf/lx • Meaawhile the liae of priaces at Moscow had secured for themselves the hereditary posidoa of Grand Prince and of imperial tax masters to the Mongols, who were not loath to encourage the strengthening of the hands of such frdthfol and devoted servants. On the other hand, the feeling grew apace ia Russia, and espedally among the eodeslastics and better educated and more fitf seeing mea, that if the hated shadow which overhung tiie land was ever to be disripated, if tiie servfle chains that hung about their limbs were ever to bo strack o£^ it could only be by consolidating the power of Russia ia oae stroag head, aad by coaceatrariag hi it ti?wy form of authority uatil that aggre- gatioa of very igaotaat aad very superstlttous peasaats should look upoa th^ ruler as a Messiah Whose misrioa it was to lead them out of the lead of boadage where riiey lay, aad who couM claim from each oae the sacrifice of everythiag he possessed. This was the creed thai was gradually aad firmly implaated ia every breast. It first enabfed the Graad Prince to cfush out aad destroy the various appaaaged princes, and to create a homogeneous power out of them, with its metropolis at Moscow, and then to show a bolder front to }^9, patrons. While this was going on in Russia, the power of the Golden Hoide was being sapped by internal decay, and received a staggerfaig btow from the hands of the great Timur. Underthese influences it broke into several
Digitized by
3CViii PREFACE.
frtgments. After a tedioiu ttrugglle the Qrand Prince of Moscow^ in tBe middle of the eleventh century, racceeded in destrojring and annexing those parts of the Golden Horde known as the Khanates of Kazan, Astrakhan, and Siberia ; and within less than a centniy, ^ironc^ the enterprise of the Cossacks, the national flag Was carried as &r as Kamskatka and the Yellow Sea.
These external conquests were effected hj the &moos Taars Ivan the Third and Ivan the Terrible, who probably carried the autocratic theory of government more completely to its logical conclusion tiian it was ever carried before. Russia in their hands became in fact a mere multitude of alject slaves subject to a most tyrannical master, who crushed out and destroyed the old aristocracy, while almost evety trace of mtmidpal and social iireedom disappeared. The servility which had been exacted by the llongols was tfanSfemed to the Tzar and his oflidate : all power was directiy dependent on himself; birth, reputation^ wealth, were of no infloeoce vriien in opposition to his whim, and every trace of liberty was uprooted. Serfiiom was introduced, the peasant was tied down to tlie land, and the whole nation, by an ingenious hierarchy of oflkials^ was made a mere machine, of which the key was in the iaada of one ifiespoiieible pem>o, and duridg om loog reign in the hands of a madman and a moii8te& AH this was perhaps necessary to the consolidating of soflldettt power to expil the fiKeigser whose hael was on the nation's necky hot it meant eoriiethfaig much more. Just at Oe very epodi when, through the inflncnce of the Rensiisance and of the RefbrmMion, Western Europe was entering i^ton an entirely new era of progress and culture, Russia waa beginning to settle down into that loag period of stagnatim which followed the espulsioQ of the Taitarsy when eveiy man's Indhriduality was crushed out of him^and ignorance and social degradation prevailed eveiy where. Leambg ymatically disappeared. Tho Church shared in the general arrest, and the iprholo land waa steeped in Bieoyaa darkness, a veneer of superficial luxury ofagiossand seosnal eharacter making tfao stagnation below more revolting*
Sodi was the land which Peter the Great was eaUed upon to govern at the end of the seventeenth century-^the uncongenial soil in which he endeavoored witii such persevering energy to plant Qerman and French civilisation, entetvonring to transplant the vine and the fig4iee to the frozen soU of Moscow ; and is it wonderful that he failed very largely, as the great body of Russian historians confSess he did. The soil was not ready for such plants. The countiy needed a remedy of another kind first, and Ihis Peter the Great did apply with a success that has scarcely been appreciated.
When he mounted the throne the Russians were enclosed on all sides by hostile neighbours, and had no acceu to the outside world. Choked, as it were, in an iron glidk^ they were literally compelled to *' stew in their own gravy," to vegetate alone; and those who believe, as all students of history must, that under such conditions progress is impossible, mutt feel some sympathy with the struggles— fude and brutal no doubt very often, but yet the justifiable struggles— of the young Colossus to break through the barriers which enclosed it, and to get a breathing space where the fresh air from the outer world could inflate ito lungs vrith a new and virgin sensation, that of having vast needs and vast wanu, the prelude to having them supplied.
Digitized by
PRBPACE. Xiz
It it aliTotl loorediblft hem tliut ia Rnitia wai at thii tim§. On the tooth, tht Crimtaa Tarlart btntd aU accett to the Black Sea. In the wett aad oorth-weat, the Swedet and Daaet, the Uvoaiaa and PjmttUo knightt, aad the Germant, created a cofdon of fiical and other barriert whkh abtolntety cloted all iogrett and efrata for the arte and homanltlet except through the narrow portalt of the Hantealieleagae. The beat tett perhapt of the itolation of the empire at thia tiate ia to be foand in the great influence exercited upon itt internal conditk>n when each an nninvitinf entrance to k at the White Sea waa ditoovered by Chatwiellor and the other Ingliah nayigatort in the tixteenth centnry.
Peter began hie work by foiciag hia waj to the Baltic and to the Sea of Asoi The iwdarion of St Peteriborg—fi^ich wat perhape the greatett mittake of hia life, aince it planted the heart of the empire in one of itt eitremitie%inatead of near ita centre of gravity I plantndi^too^ia an extremity which waa numbed and enliMbled by the harahnete of ita torronodlDga— wat merely an attempt to create a great cmporiam for wettem enltnrt at a point eatily accettible from the tea. What Peter began waa only completed by Catherine at the end of the latt ceatmy, when the conquered the Krim, and to the firti time enabled Rettia to have perennial intereonife with the wocldy nndittnrbed by intermltteni eloee teatoat of firoat Thie ia tho ttory we have traced oat in detail in the fdtowing paget. It it attniedly a very inttnictive ttory. It It on|y yettetday that Rnatia*e tun began to emerge from behind the dond'btnlrt which have overthadowed it to long. The i^al period in ita hittory, when the Tartart were itt mattert, waa ftUowed by a terrible period of oppretiion, aopplemented by eidntion from the world of cnltnre. It it to be wondered that to mnch remaint behind that it nncoQth and barbaront, and almott hepelett. Thote who try to plant rotee in itt nncongenial «^» and find them wither, art apt to break ont into jeremiadt, tempered by aboae; while othert who tee in itt homogeneoot, ignorant, happy-go-lnclcy» tervile, dmnken peaaantt, nothing but the natural incapacity of the race, Ibrget the tocial chaot from which theteweedt have been iaherited. It it a very cmdo philotopliy which ftnciet that every race, how- ever invertebrate, and every community, however gniltlcta of public virtue, ie fit material lor the nottrumt of our day pariiamentt» juriet, tdC>govemment» Becante the Aaglo-Saxont, who have ahraya been free men, have worked out a form of government that ettendally requiitt the virtaet of iiee men for itt rapport, it doet not £»Uow that thote who have been ground down by aget of tertibleopprettionthoold alto bo fit for the tamo heritage. Itltimpottiblethat culture which it to reach not merely the toperficial layert of a community but the lower gradee of the tocial edifice can be produced at once, and before the plough hat gone deep down befew the tod^ and the bcoad fenowt have been ditintegrated by many a froti and many a burning tky. The work it being done tbwly, and amidtt immente dlfficnltiea. Thote who will turn to the tardonic phraeea Voltaire applied to the Ruwiant, or the character which the hittory of the latt century gavo tho Cottack; thote who have read the ttory of SuvaroTt purderout campaigat with an nnbiatted mind, and compared it with that of the campaigna of Rnaelan armiet lately ; thote who will put tide by tide the
Digitized by
ZX PREPACB.
Roatia of Calherine the Oraat and of Alexandor the Third, mutt fed that tho Rttsaian race ii immeiiieljr altered, and that the meUphorkal Tartar apottrophlted by Voltaire it no longer the promineat feature in it We elirfoh no dooht from many of the characteriedce of Rotiian pnblk Ufe— from lit Orientel lyttem of diplomacj, from the atmosphere, tainted with comiption. In which its bureaucracy lirei, the want of genuine patiiotiem among its maeaei, the crass ignorance of its people^ and the degraded position of its Church in the rural districts. We would see these things disappear, and we beUere they are disappearing; and that a genuine lea?en is gradually leavening the lump. Meanwhile, the too level mass of ignorance and Philistinism can only be kept together at present by a strong hand, and to import Western specifics among ite untrahied people is to court inietitablefidlufe. Those who like myself are privi* leged to knew many Russian scbolars, and to feel how very doee aUn in many ways they are to Englishmen, and to have seen the Undly, unselfish, hospitable Russian peasant at hoese, will continue to bope^ and feel a Justification In hoping that the slough In wIMk the race was so long buried, and which we have tried to explore, will not ahn^ leave its mud spots upon it, but that pcesently it will stand shoulder to shoulder with our own people, whidi it rivals in fertility and numbers, and which it mult be the hope of eveiy decent peison it win rival in the noble work of making humanity bow its neck to noUer and more ideal idols than it has hitherto done*
When we leave this historical survey to consider the critical questions of policy which embarrass the present moment we at once enter a region where dispassionate and judidal language is so unusual that it almost sounds inappropriate, end we feel that our judgment may be easily warped by the passing frmaticism of the hour. The rivalry of England and Russia in the East is an old stoiy, and one which has not veiy attractive features ioe those students who endeavour to look beyond the ephemeral politics of to-day and to view the wider horizon in which these inddents are mere details. It involves two distinct factors--the policy of Rusda on the Boephorus, and in Central Asia. The two are very often named togetiier, mudi to the oonfrision and misappre- hension of the subject. Let us first briefly ooosidsr the former. Russia's links with Bysantium, ** that sublime theatre of raligions and political vidssitude,*' as it has been well apostrophised, are ci>-extendve with her histocy. From Byxan- tium she first recdved her Christianity. Bysanthmi was the object of piratical attack on the part of her eariy Scandinavian princes. Daring the long period of her degradation it was the perennial intercourse of her priesthood with Bysantinm which created the mere twittglit of cultute which alone illumined her unfortunate provinces. When the Turk captured Bysandum and trod under foot the centre and focua of Greek Christianity, Rusda became the most powerfel and important home of that Cfhurch, the hope and the support of Its priesthood. Many cuhared Qreeks then made thdr way to Rusda, and finally in 147s the Tsar Ivan the Third married Sophia, the niece of Constantine PaUsdogus, and theaceferward looked upon himself as having hereditary ddms upon what he described as ''that imperid tree whose shadow had once covered dl orthodox and brother Christians."* He
* Vidg itifrm, 91S1 «tc.
Digitized by VjOOQIC
PRXFACB. xxl
also adopted the doublo-headod eagle» tha blason on the old imperial lUndard, aa the national arms of Roaaia. Meanwhile, the Turk (who held the Bosphoras), was hated for his religioo^-that of the Tartar, who had so lofig trampled upon Russia—and was hated also becanse he held all the approaches to the Black Sea, and thus created a barrier between the frosen land and the sun, whkh was unbearable. He was hated, further, because he doniaated over and ill-ased the Slavs, who lived south of the Danube, and who were near akin in blood and language and faith to the Russians. It is tnie the Latin Christians of the West were even more hated than the Turk, and that their stronghold in Central Europe — ^Poland, was a constant thorn in Knssia's side, and that her Machiavellian prkices did not scruple to utilise a Turkish alliance very often, as the Avowing pages will testify ; yet the great underlying current remained as we have sketched it, and Txargorod, the city of the Cttsars, was, in the popular creed of Russia, long before Peter the Great, and his more or less problematical will, the object of yearning ambition.
On the other hand, we must remember that until recently the only strong arm which the Southern Slavs could lean upon was that of Russia. Austria was ambitious of being not a Danubian power, but a great German empire^ and habitually sacrificed her other vast provinces to satisfy the natural leanings and sympathies of the petty archduchy out of which she grew. Tliis threw the Southern Slavs into the arms of Russia, as well aa another race whose exceeding fertility is such a marked feature in its character, and which is far other than Slav in tradition and blood. I refisr to the Rumans or Vlakhs, whose only point of contact with Russia, besides thehr geographical position, is their religion. AU this is matter of history, and cannot be disputed. It explains a great deal of what has recently happened in the East, and it might lead captive our judgment, if history and sentiment were the only tetors in politics. Russia is not, however, the cynosure of every eye. Its past has been a cruel one, and it naturally lags far behind much of the rest of the world in culture and civilisation lu foot is heavy, and few daisies grow where it has trod. We lieel that that foot is doing effective service wlien it stamps on the incorrigible robbers of Asia, but we feel more strongly that its presence is unwelcome and hurtful where more cultured races have already settled. When Russia annexes a province, it ceases to be a part of the world's common capital of culture and wealth, and sinks into the common Philistinism that more or less inevitably surrounds races trained as the Russians have been. She not only closes the door, but buries the key, with the narrow political selfishncM which supposes that a nation is poorer which allows the stranger to warm his hands at its fire, and forgets that ^e barter of mental gifts is as necessary to human progress as the exchange of material conmiodities.
Again, there are certain critical geographical positions which in all history have been of vital consequence to others than their mere possessors. What Gibbon has said about the position of Bysantium is too familiar to need quotation, and his panegyric assuredly contains a momentous truth, enshrined in splendidly coloured phrases.
It is Sdt by politicians of all schools that Constantinople in the hands of
Digitized by
XXii PRBrACB.
RuMia means tbe froesing vp of one of tiio most important duuuMli^Uio worid poMeaiet, and the conieqnent ihiinkago of the world's stock of wealth and resources. Tbe possession by Russia of tbe mouths of the Danube means giving over the gateway to the chief thoroughfare of Central Europe to the most backward and unscrupulous of its communities. In both cases a corporate interest is threatened which is of far higher value in every way than the mere historical sentiment which has been nursed lor so many generations, and at all costs and sacrifices it is necessary that this sentiment should not bear too luxurious teit, and that the Boq)homs and Dardanelles should not be in the grip of a giant who could close them when his whim so dictated, and create an arsenal in the Black Sea which would imperil the world's peace for many a decade, and retard proportionately the growth of freedom in Russia itselt We do not affect to feel much pain at the blows which have fallen on the Turk. We have no sjrmpathy with his antecedents and his history-— or, to speak more faithfully, his histoiy in Europe; Here he has done little but destroy and devastate^ and where he has not done this the musty incense which arises from stagnation and decay, and which harbingers bis coming shadow, is more in harmony with the PhikMophy of Sir Thomas Browne than our own. We have not, on the other hand, any leaning towards that heroic policy which consists in perpetually and unceasingly thrusting out bricks from the bottom of our neighbour's wall until it falls in glorious ruin, and then philosophising with unctuous insincerity on the sins and follies of those whose apple croft is in the way of our envious eye, as has been so often the case in the Foreign Office of Russia, nor with the art of leading astray too honest and unsuspicious strangers with a pretence of philanthropy when we really mean aggrandisement. Our sympathy for many years has been with another solution, one which is in process of accomplishment at this moment. Austria has ceased to contend in the futile struggle for Charlemagne's crown with the broad- shouldered Pomeranians. She baa begun to turn her eyes elsewhere. Her very name suggests that she is an Eastern Empire. Her Slav peoples, the most cultured and civilised of all the Slavs, are the most powerful element in her population. It is round her that the Danubian nationalities will inevitably range themselves. Thus shifting her centre of gravity further Bast she will become the mother of the southern Slavs, who have a much closer common tie of bteod,* and a tie which binds them more closely to the Magyars, who are so jealous of them, than generally supposed. She will thus pay back in some measure the debt the Western world owes to the Eastern, by forming the link between the two, and handing some of the treasures that have overflowed on her ample knee while she lay between the Adriatic and the Carpathians, to the less fortunate although more energetic dwellers in the valley of the Lower Danube. Presently Russia will face the inevitable at least with composure. She has enough work on her hands already. Her empire is already too vast and unwieldy. The possession of Constantinople would be a tempution to shift her metropolis away from her
• S«s Pap«fS OB the Migratioot of the SUrt, byH.U Howorth, Journtl of the Anthropological loititott.
Digitized by
FRsrACE. adU
own people to the taaoy latitiides of the Golden Horde, imdthttt to repeat the Uondtr of Peter the Qreat. Her great strength now it doe to the bomogeneontneet of her people. It would be a source of weakness, and not of strength, ibr her to be hampered with the contending ambitions of Romans, Bulgarians, Qreekt, and Turks. She has already got a splendid s«Mi board on the Bunne, and pofts fior her southern prorhices, as weU as her Trans- Caucasian ones. What advantage ssto a sentimental one would the possession of Consta»tiaople bring unlees it be deemed an advantage to make the Buzine a private Russiaa lake altogether. The case seems so i^aia that it will need no great sacrifice of vanity or of repute if the direction of the natioii*8 ambition is directed elsewhere ; and meanwhile, if prudence^ statesmanship, and foresight be brushed aside altogether by Russian dipl^ maqr, and if its ^ye still turns towards the city of Constantine, the world haa one gauge for its own security in the undisguised alliance of Germany and Austria, an alliance dictated not by philanthropy, but by mutual interest, n^ch is a far more potent factor in politics than philanthropy.
Let us now turn our view further east. The progress of Russia in Central Asia has been the subject of much rhetoric, inflated and otherwise, receady, in which its more important elements have l>een a good deal overlooked. The Russian advance in Central Asia comprises two periods and two sets of conditions entirely difioring from one another. The appropriation of the iteppos of the Kirghia Kaxaks, the so-called independent Tartary, is quite a difisrent matter in origin and in character to the Russian attack upon the Uxbeg Khanates of Central Asia.
In regard to the fiormer, I hold moet completely that the course adopted was amply justified in every way. The Kataks, whose very name is a synonym for freebooters and robbers, have been the scourge of all their neighbours for generations, habitually given to robbery and pillage, bound by no promise and no oath, and constantly disintegrating under the solvent of rival chiefs, with rival r^utatloos, as leaders of bandits. The Russians were long-sufiering for years (as we shaU amply prove),* to their habitual treacheries and deceits. They tried means of various Icinds to secure peace among them, and to protect their own frontier populations firom perpetual harass, but with no avaiL Murder, robbery, harrying of women and children, of cattle and goods, waylaying of caravans of merchants, all the vexatious and irritating forms of border marauding which a long inheritance of robber habits had taught them, were continually being practised. Under such circumstances annexatioo was inevitable. The stamping out of these practices could only be compassed by the complete conquest of the race, and by putting it under surveillance, and this was done eiiBCtually, and with humanity and prudence. Thoee who affect to admire the savage in his linsophitticated condition, generally live upon velvet, and write their allegories far away from danger. To the backwoodsman and pioneer, who live in immediate contact with him, the picture has a much more lurid light, and it is assuredly inevitable and right that where a great empire has an uncertain boundary, across which its predatory neighbours
«8Mclul^▼iii.
Digitized by
SUV PRErACB.
aio babitmdly croMiog lior other than peaoefiil purpotet, that it aboold cniah them. If they will tabmit and become peaceful tubjectt, all is well ; if not, they matt take their departure to the other country, as the Red Indian, the Australian, and the Tasmanian haTe done, or are doin|^« lo the cast of the Kanaka, they have preferred the former alternative. H^y have laigely accepted the new conditioni, and become a thriving community^ their herds having increased immensely. It ia true they have lost their fivedom, but fireedom is an intangible term which does duty to point many an ambiguous moraL It will require a very cynical critic to confeM that the world it not better because rapine has ceased in the Kaxak steppes, and because a horde of unlicensed robbers has been subjected to the restraining discipline of a strong-heeled power like Russia, and a very captious one to argue that this conquest was a menace to any other civilised power. We may now turn to the more difficult questions involved in the recent subjection of the Usbeg Khanates, which I have described in detail in the later chapters of this volume.
This conquest has certainly brought little honour or profit to Russia, and its Justification is by no meana universal in Russian circles. Russia has a large army; it has no representative institutions worthy of the name, and all iu bolder and more adventurous q>irits chooae the army for their profession. There alone, to a large extent, a man can elbow himself into the front rank, and acquire at least the fectitioua glory o! being talked about and envied by his countrymen. The army is, in fact, the dominant caste of Russian society ; and the army everywhere, under such conditions, is a bad school of public morals or of international equities. To a man whose only capital is his sword it is a great temptation to flesh it somewhere, and if there be no convenient victim at hand, to manufacture one. Fortune has literally to be carved. Again, Russia is a vast empire, in which means of communication are few and slow, and in which the heart is remote from the extremities, and they accordingly do not ahvays beat in unison. The border oommandersp like those of ancient Persia, are virtually satraps, with great powers of initiation in their hands, and cannot be always controlled. These conditions favour the existence of such soldiers of fortune as General Kaufmann and others, who have not been restrained by tender scruples from pushing their neighbours into an aggressive attitude and then felling upon them, reaping a shower of decorations in doing so. It is no secret that he and such as he are not the fevourites in the better Russian circles that they are made to appear. They are neither very respectable nor very popular instruments of aggression, but they are more or less indispensable. It is true tlie authorities st St. Petersburg condone their actions when successful. The fruit garnered by an army in an autocratic empire must go to the wine-press even although it set the teeth on edge, for it has cost much sacrifice, and the army has a voice which must be obeyed, since it forms the only cohesive element in the body politick. It matters little that the budget of Turkestan furnishes an accelerating deficit ; that all the dreams begotten of the femons golden sands of the Bukharian rivers are as delusive as the pearls which attracted Caesar to these shores; that the poor baubles that are exhibited at the capital as the
Digitized by
PREFACE. XXV
•poOt of Khokuid raise a smile in the artist and a sneer in the student of political economy. AU this has to be concealed, for the prestige of the army is at stake, and men most try and belicTe that what cost so much sacrifice mast W worth a good deal These scattered postnlatee will at all events go to show that we ha?e little sympathy with that aspect of recent Russian aggres- sion dissected lo well hy our fiiend Mr. Schuyler, and one of whose frnits was the famoos massacre of the Turkomans ; but we shall have run our scalpel into but a very superficial layer if we fancy we have probed the whole question when we have thus stated some of its features. That question involves a much wider issue, namely, the jealous antagonism of £ng1and and Russia in Central Asia for the last half century, which gives the most colourable of all the pretences for these aggressive border commanders.
The history of this rivalry and its fruits is assuredly one of the most painful chapters in human annals. The ruling principle of English policy hitherto has been to create and perpetuate a neutral sone between our frontlcn and those of Russia, a policy which is equivalent to a regulation by which some thoroughfare dividing two adjacent crowded areas shall be declared to be a sanctuary to which no policeman shall have access, and in which all kinds of vagabonds and intriguers and criminals shall have elbow-room. It is Msuredly a paradox that such a policy should have been fi>rmulated in our time, nor is it wonderful that it should have produced the chaos which now exists in Afghanistan and its borders. When Bukhara was a strong power, as in the days of the great AbduUa Khan,* or when, still later, Afghanistan was controlled by the sturdy hands of the founders of the Durani empire, then it was pUnsible to urge such a pob'cy, for there was a ruler strong enough within the nentral sone to compel those who harboured there to behave decently ; but in Asia power is always shortlived, and the chronic condition of all govern- meat is disintegration, and accordingly during the last half century we find that persistent decay has overtaken the States between the frontiers of England and Russia. Meanwhile botb empires have persistently employed open and covert means for checkmating each other's influence there. The Journeys of Abbott and Shakespear, of Stoddart and Conolly, which are detaOed later on, are familiar to our readers. They were counterchecked by agents from Russia ] and what have been the fruits? Can Russia look back with anything but grim regret to the expedition of Perofski, or England to the massacre of Kabul and the murder of Stoddart and Conolly T all of them Dead Sea aj^es in the same basket. Hat anything been solved or furthered ? It is tnie the Russians have annexed Khokand and are the masters of Khiva and Bukhara, and that we are in possession of Kabul, but the intervening area is reduced to confusion, and both the rival empires have serious problems on their hands to solve.
Is this a comfortable subject either for a retrospect or for present stndy for those who are patriots in either country! I trow not. If not, is it not time that the ei^Ioded fallaey of a neutral sone should be discarded, and that we •honM look elsewhere ibr a more reasonable and lasting remedy?
Before we turn to this we may glance elsewhere for a moment There
* Kitfr 4|/K PSfS 733f ste.
Digitized by
XZvi PRXFACE.
ft ft gOBwal Imprettloii tbroftd ererywhom in Bnghmd that Ratda't great object in her BMtcm policy St the evontoal conqactt of India. This may be 40; I can find little to inpport ftodi a view in public documents. It it true that in the time of Peter the Great, Mora the BngUth had an Indian emphre^ there wat a notion prevalent in Itntiia, at elsewhere, that India wat an El Dorado whence stores of fiibolooi wealth were to be obtained, and he no donbt sent officers to try and explore the ronte thither. This is not only tnie^ bat it was assuredly most JastifiaUe. Again, it is tme that a constant tension and irritation having existed in the motual relatioiBt of Rossiis and England for many years, involTing one terrible war and the prsipiratioos for another/ Rnssia has endeavoured to create tionble for ns in the weakest part of onr armour. It is true, also, that the diplomatic language and amenities of Russia are of that tortuous character which a fervid popular orator once described at attorneyship rather than statesmanship. All this we grant freely, but it does not involve the notion that the current aim and object of Russian poli^ is the conquest of India.
' India is known to involve burdens as well as retpontibHitiet which the Russian back is by no means able to support, while the advantages it holds out in the shape of trade are but poor attractions to a nation whose manuCiCo tures are a sickly plant. The glamour that affected many European eyes in regard to India it ftttt dis^>pearing. It it now known that the chief virtue of that fruit is in its external attractiveness, and that iu Juices have been long ago exhausted by generations of hungry robbers. When we grant this, does it imply, however, that we may fold our arms and close our lids, and let our Mp sail with the nearest current and the nearest breese, at if we were the oompaniont of the ancient mariner? Those who navigate after thit fathioa in«viubly run their thip on the rockt. Atsuredly not We cannot leave India if we wovdd; there is so one to take our place, and while there we are bound by eveiy sacred tie lo secure the safety of iu inhabitants^ not only from eictemal atta^ but ftom perennial panic. The people of India know well what a menace Alii^umtstan has been to them; that it has been from Afghanistan that every Invading horde has come, which has sprsad desolation over the country, and made slaves of its peoples. If Afghanistan is turbulent and unfriendly^ and if, further, the eidgencies of rival policies els^here make it prudent and desirable for Russia to employ it as an advance guard, and to keep a sword of Damocles hanging over oar two hundred millions of helpless {eXLo^ subjects, it becomes not only our right, bat onr manifest duty, to interfere. It is almost puerile to discuss the right or wrong of interfering with our neighbour, who, we know, is undermiQing our wall, and lodging dynamite there to blow down oar homestead. To speak of his right in such a case is to pervert the language of morals and of law altogether^ My neii^bour may do his will so long as he does not menace me and my interests ; when be does so, I, who am a trustee for a nation of feeble men and women, am a criminal if I do not warn him, and if he will not Usten, run my rapier through him ? War is wholesale murder, we are told. If it be murder to strangle a person who has seised us by the throat, or is planning our destruction, it is a ibrm of murder which no law but that of
Digitized by
xxvii
imokj wUl daaqi onjuttiAabk. yah^Om it bci raUU or whoVstal*. Whan it bicttte dtar that the Amir «f Kabal» tb« niler of ft bnttil Cuiftllcftl Sfttioo» wmmMmdtftovm, ftod iatfigain( with Ruatift ftgaistt «t^ aad i^Mo this bteattft a poetihit dtafftr to lodift, w« wtra boMd to iotaitea, and if naad ba toamitahiaitotho gxooad. We hare done ao^ aod the qnaatioci ramains wfaotarawetodowithhitiiiharitaace? In the firat place, aa we have aeeo, theaotioaof aMiitral iom between the froatiera of Sai^and and Rvaalaia one which haa been found to &e impracticable^ and ftdl of oonatant menace. tluavlewisieltaaatrQDilyinRiMaiaaa here, and haa lately been nrgad with ioicebyPiol(Baaorlfarteni»oflioecarw. The only prodent aolotion of pffeaent difficalUea to which thinga are faieritably tending, ia that England and Rvarfa shall have a common frontier. Thia toltttion haa preeeed upon am mooa and aaore in writing the hietofy of recent evenU among the Uabega.
Let na now conaider aome of the practical bearings of thia hypothetical solution.
Under the name A%haniatan we inchide three diatxicta. vaiying hi history aad traditions, i. Afghanistan proper, boonded on the north by the magnifi* cent frootier of the Hindu Kosh, the most perliBCt scientific frontier in the wocld» which is traversed by the difficult passes of Bamian, etc This incindea Kabul and Kandahar, the Sulimani mountains, and the country occupied and iahabited by the Athens proper, a. A%han Turkeatan, lying north of the Hindu Kush, and watered by the head atreama of the Oxus. and including imUr alia the well-known diatricta of Balkh and Badakhshan. This, as we shall abow further on/ ia but a recent A^han conquest. It is inhabited by n race which is not Afghan in blood, and ia dominated by a warrior caste of Uabega whose connectiona and aympathies are with Bukhara. These districts once fonned a part of the Uabeg empire, of which Bukhara waa the focus, and have never submitted quietly to the ruler of Kabul. 3. Herat, and its surrounding district* This, also, ia but a recent Afghan conquest. Herat was for many oeoturies the eastern buttress oC Persia. It was the ancient capital of Khorasan, the richest of the Persian provinces. It haa been long coveted by the Periian ruler, and ita natural deatiny is to be joined once more to Persia.
To attempt to make these three sections obey one sovereign, and he a nominee of the hated Kaffirs, is impossible, unless we employ an army continually, and then it will be the old story of yoking discordant elements to the same plough. There can be no good reason why Afghan TurkesUn should not be allowed to graviute into iu natural alliance and to be absorbed by the Khanate of Bukhara. The country south of the mountains, largely homogeneous in race and in sentiment, would be very manageable under British tutdage, either ruled by one chief at Kabul or controlled after the fridiion which has been so successfhl in Beloochistan. The Hindu Kush would then be the virtual boundary between England and Ruasia, Bukhara being a frHiii of the fbrmer and Afghanistan proper of the latte^ .
Herat might most reasonably be restored once mors to Persia, with the hihabltants of which its citlxens have close religious tiee, both belonging to the Shia sect, while the Usbegs, like the Osmanii Tu^ks, belong to the
*/«^paa«tS3««tt.
Digitized by
XXvUi PREFACB.
hated rival sect of the Sonnii. I conliBM that nothing would be more likely to give itability and prestige to that diilocated country which hat been •o much neglected by English diplomacy of late years, and where our hiterests are so closely involved, as the addition to its area of a district which it once possessed, and which in the hands of the Afghans has been a perpetual thorn in its side. This separation of Afghanistan into its oonstitoent elements and their readjustment is so fisasible, would meet so perfectly the aspirations of the liihabitaots, and would secure such a magnificent frontier between Bn^^d and Russia, that it has a singular attractiveness. In Russia, as in Bngland, public opinion is weary of this per- petual embroglio in Central Asia. The defeats in Turkestan, the ever-recurring petty wars in which no ^oiy is reaped, while the resources of the country are drained, and the adventurous policy of border commanders, have been a terrible burden to the country, which has enough and more than enough territory, and which in reaching the Hindu Kush would reach the term of its natural exten« sion, while to all ri^t-thinking folk it would be indeed a new leaf in the book of statecraft if the tension and irritation that separate two such mutually sympathetic races as Englishmen and Russians always prove themselves to be in private intercourse, should give place to a more amiable temper. When our memoty reverts to the days of good Queen Bess and her intercourse with the Tsar of Muscovy, which I have described later on ; reverts to the days of Chancelior, of Jenldnsoo, and ** the Russia company*' of Horsey and of Hanway, and sums up the vast amount of cordial good- fellowship that once united the two countries so closely, it is more than a chimerical dream that would wish to see these ties renewed on a firmer basis, and a scheme developed by which we might be again close friends, and work hand in hand, if by different methods, in restoring to Asia, the nursery of the human race, some of its ancient prosperity and renown.
Having made this survey of some of the lessons suggested by these studies, I must now enumerate the authorities which I have chiefly used.
In the first place my thaoks are due to Von Hammer Purgstall, the historian of the Turkish empire. In January, 1833, the Imperial Academy of St. Petersburg ofiered a prise for a work on the history of the Golden Horde, to be composed from Eastern and Western authorities, from coins, etc* Appar- ently the only response to this was made by Von Hammer, who composed his famous work, the basis of four of the following chapters, entitled " Oeschichte der Goldenen Horde in Kiptschak,*' which he published at Pesth in 1S40. This great monument of erudition and skill, carved out an entirely new country, and with singular insight and capacity. I am only echoing the language of the great Eastern numismatist Seret in speaking in indignant terms of the unCair and small spirit in Which the imperial Academy received this work, which has never been equalled in its own line, and which more than amply met the conditions of the prize. Von Hammer speaks in naturally strong language of the slight that was put upon him, but he enabled posterity to judge better of his claims by printing the reports of Fraehn, Schmidt, and Kmg, upon which the prise was withheld. There breathes through them all a UtUeness which is unworthy of such names, and beyond and behind this
Digitized by VjOOQIC
PREPACK. SOdx
a jeakmqr of the fact that tome other than a Rotsiaii had done for the most difficult part of Raatian history what no Russian had then or has since accomplished. Of course, the hook contains mistakes ; so in all conscience do the writings of the three Academicians ; bat the surprising fact in a work impolving such immense research is that they should be so few, and it is at least a satisfactory lesson which Nemesis will dictate to every candid inquirer tiiat Von Hammer's work towers in the mind's eye of the historian far aboy)e any of the works of his critics as a contribution to the history of Eastern Europe, and there is a home-thrust which meets with genuine sympathy from those who shrink from injustice when Von Hammer, in replying to one of Fraehn's small, carping criticisms^ says sharply, in the language of Moli^ *< Vous gtes orievre M. Josse."
Besides this work I have also quoted fi«quently Von Hammer's '* Osmanischo Geschichte,'* from the Pesth edition of 1834, and a third work by him, "• Geschichte der Chane der Krim, Wien, 1856," which is a standard woric on its subject. I have also used the edition of Wassa^ )^ Von Hammer, and hit histofy of the Ilkhans, noticed in the former volume. Next to Von Hammer, I have in the earlier chapters most frequently quoted Karanuin, the well« known Russian historian, whose work closes abruptly at the beginning of the seventeenth century. I need not stay to praise the conscientious accuracy,, skilly and patriotism of his narrative, which have made it a classic I have consulted it conjftan4y, both in the French and the German editions^ the latter of which ooniain a larger number of Karamain's original notes. Wherever a refisrence is made to this work, unless the weeds ^ Germ, ed." loUow, it It to thft French editioa«
In the later chapters of this work 1 have been most indebted to my honouredl friend ; he will aUow me to call him so, M. Veliaminof Zemof, himself a d»> ecendantfrom one of the old Tartar {mnces, and now a member of the Imperial Academy. It is a subject of great regret that his worics are still untranslated. They are vast mfaies of carefiilljMtfranged material, and will nunre than sustain the reputation of the Academy of which he is an honoured member. His mi^mmm opms is the history of the Khans of Kasimof, in three volnmes, paUished by the eastern branch of the Russian Arch«ological Society. The first volume was translated into German by Dr. Julius Theodor Zenker, and published at Leipsig in 1867, and wherevei; the first volume is quoted here, it is from this German translation; tiie second and third volumes have been translated for me by two of my friends, to whom I shall presently refer. They have also brought within my reach the well-known monograph on the coins of Bukhara and Khiva, with its great wealth of illustrative matter, by the same author, and a memoir on the coins of Khokand, also by him, both published in the series just referred ta I have to regret that I have not been able to meet with a work on the Kirghiz Kasaks, published many years 1^ by Bl. VeL Zemo^ and often quoted in his larger work. In the sources last quoted, is condensed the result of Russian researches upon large portions of Tartar history, and I foel that I cannot express my gratitude too much for them. Another Russian scholar, whom it is my privilege to know, is Professor Qrigorie^ well-known as a sturdy patriot, as an able administrator of a
Digitized by
ZXX PaXFACE.
difficult iMltm province, atod M a profound writer on the history and fiteratofe of tho various Turkish trihea. His memoir on Serai, the capital of the Qolden Hofde» is too well known to need mention. I have consulted his notes to the journey of Blankennagel to Khiva, which throw much light on the darkest period of the history of that Khanate, his translation into Russian of the namttve of the Muraa Shema» dealing with the history of Khokand, and his criticism of Vamher/s history, published as an appendix to Mr. Schuyler's TurkesUn, and I shall have to turn to him again for help in the oondttdiog part of this work.
One Rnasian writer, who lies prostrate with paralysis, I must not forget-* li« Leithf whose kind urbanity and genuine good heart have made him so many friends. His memoirs on the history of Khiva and on the archteology of thevaBeyof the Jaxarteswill be found quoted in the following pages. I hope sincerely it may be given him once more to prosecnte his studies, and, if not, that the tun may always shine brightly on his head.
M. Schmidt has collected together from Russian sources, in a series of memoirs in the Russischs Rtvu$, a deutted account of the Russian campaigns against Khiva. These I have largely used.
Fraehn, who was the creator of Rastem numismatics, and of whom I have spoken some heated vrards above, has done too much to make my way certain and clear for me not to doff my cap to his memory. I have constantly consulted his frtmoos ^'Resentio," and supplement, his catalogue of the Puchs collection, as well as his memoir on the town of Uvak in the •• Trans- actions of the Imperial Academy," and I must express my great regret that his works in MS. are not made available for students. The papers of M. Sorct on the coins of the Tartar dynasties, pubUshed in earn Rnmi di I^umismatipu BHgt^ have been of great service to me, as has the fomous catalogue of the ooios in the Odessa collection by the late Profossor Blau.
To the Russian acholar, DesMaiaoas, we owe the best edition and transUtion of the indispensable history of Abolghaai. This was published at St. Peters- burg in XS70, and has been constantly at my tlbow. I have also consulted the older editum of Leyden.
MiUler*s famooa coQeetiona for Russian history, in eight volumes, published at St. Petersburg, have been of great service to me. I have also consulted Fisch«:*s history of Siberia, vrhich wo^ however, is founded ahnost entirely, and with but scant acknowledgment, upon MtUler. Levchioe's well known history of the Kirghiz Kaaaks, which was translated into French by Perry de Pigny and published at Paris in 1840, has been the main foundation of the history of the Kaxaka in the following pages. It will be seen» however, that, thanks to recent researches, this history is now much more completely known than when Levchine wrote. Intiralia Ihavebeen able to iUustrate it largely in iueariier portion from th^ weU known "Tarikhi Rashidi^of Haidar. This I have consulted in a MS. translation in the British Museum, which is apparently In the handwriting of Erskine, and which unfortunately has such a coofosed pagination that I have only been able to give general references to it. The "Tarikhi Abulkhair," which cantains an interesting account of the origin of the Sbcibanids, has been consulted for me by my friend Dr. Rieu,
Digitized by
MUtFACE. »0d
wlw lor thii and Other fiivoiirt (at aU timM giMttd with tb« Uviah i^^ that becomea one fkhly gifted), I cordiaUy thank hhn. Babel's *• Memoirt " I have cooanlted in the admirable edition of Erskioa, Makriai in that of Qoatremeie, and Iba BatnU in that pablished by the Oriental fond.
My mott eateemed friend, Mr. C. ScheliBr, who haa Uuly been elected a
member of the French Academy^ it wooid be en iflipertinence in me to praise.
He SMj^dkfnmaft among Uviag Fenian schoUra, while his knowledge of the
Uteratanandaruof the Beat ia encydopiedic. I dean his friendship one of
tiM chief prirOegea which I haiva tecored by my Eastern researches. Hia
edition of the work of Abdol Kerim oo the Khanates of Bokhara and Khiva»
etc., haa been of great service to me. WitQMr. Schnyler it has also been my
good Ibrtane to have had friendly interconrae, which I moch regret has been
interfered with by hU migration to Italy. His work on Turkestan is one o^
the most masterly booka of travel in our languege, not only from the inaight
and power of obaenration it dispUye, bat also from the very trainable Rnssian
materiaU he has collected and translated. I am greatly indebted to the
Memoir on the Hislocy of Khokand, which is appended to that work, and
for detaila oo Khiva, Bukhara, and espedally the obscore and little known
Usbeg prittcipalitiea sonth of Bnkhanu In the French transJatioo of Porster^
Voyage to Bengal, there is an appendix by M. Langlea, giving an aoeonnt of*
the Khana of the Golden Horde and of Krim, and chiefly Ibonded on the
week of Abdnl Ohaffar, which has been too little conanlted by Von Hammer.
I have quoted from it frequently. Also from a rare work entitled ** Histoire
dm royaume de la Chersonese Taurique/' by M. Stanislas Siettraencewics de
Bohuca, Archbiahop of Mohilef, published at St. Feteisbarg in 1834. It
cootaina much interesting matter on the history of the Krim Khans, from
Polish and other aonroee. The history of Krim haa alao been largely extracted
from the well-known account of that Khanate, translated fi^om Turkish into
Flench l>y M. Kaaimirski, and published in the twdfth votame of the
HmufHmL JwamtH AsimHfue: from the Memoirs of the Baron de Tott (BogUsh
edition) ; from the well-known work of Peyssonel on the Coaunerce of the
BbdK Sea, Paris, 1787; from the '^Histoire des Koeaques,* by Lesur; the
**Aimalesde la Petite Rnssie," by Scherer; and the anoAymoua ** Histoire de la
Nouvelle Rnasie;* as well as from the well-known travels of Pallas, Omelin,
Onthrieb Oarke, SeyoMiur, and De Hell. Among the standard works, unnece^
saiy to detail, which I have gleaned over, are St. Martin's '* Memoires sur
PAnnenie;* the^Ugri8CheVolkstamm,*of MiiUer; the great ^01;^ of extracU
from the Bysaaftine historians, by Stritter ; Lelewel's ** Poland," £rdmann*s
^'TraveU,** the * Histoire dee Huns," of De Qoignes, and especially the
auppleoMntal volume^ by Senekofski, containing the history of Bokhara in the
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Mr. Tcacy Tomirelli's mistaken loyalty,
which has made him lately a prominent figure in popular cartoons, must not
make ua €»rget his valuable and interesting work on Kaxan and its history,
Klaproth's varioua worka, etpecislly his ''Journey to the Caucasus," have been
scoured for plunder. For Timnr*s campaign in Europe, I have consulted the
well-known and very exhaustive memoir by M, Charmoy, in the third volume
of the transactions of the St. Petersburg Academy, and also the ** History of
Timv,** bf Sharif ad din, translated by Petis de la Croix,
Digitized by
XXJoi FRXFACB.
For the hialocy of the Khaaates of Coatnd Ati«» b«aidM the wocke ebeady quoted, I hevefireelj used the «< Tnivelt '* of Freser and of Ferrier^oC Wood and Mooccfoft, oC Banee aad Conolly, oC Ahbou and Wolff, of ^^'•''ftrff (edited bj Bode), of Mmeviai; Mffwidod; Vambefy, etc^ Maloolm^ •« Penla,** and BIphififtoiM^ ««Caiiibd,* ErtUae'e ^^Hiatory of IndU" and Micbeira well known etaagra oa Central Aaia» traaalated from the Rnaaian, Hellwald'a ** Rniaen In Central A^an,** Wathen's well known paper in the Journal of the AsUtk Sodety of Bengal, and Riuer'a *" Aaien.*' The '* Tabakat i Naalri,** at edited by Major Raverty (when are we to aee the coocfaidinf part?),haa Inrnithed me with aome Taloahle matter ibr my fitat ehaptei; I hare been greatly indebted to the HacUnyt Sode^a pdbttcationa Ibr the trairela of Btfbaro^ Cootarini, Herberateitiy Horaey aad Fletcher, aad» moat im- portaatof all,ibr «*Cathay, aad the Way Thither* byCoioael Ynle. The editlott of Sckiltbeiger, which it baa Juat bcoogfat out, I hanre oo^ been able to utilite in the notea; in the text the qnotationa are fton Neomaan^i edition. The older Hackloyt collectioo haa aopplied me with the tnvda of JenUnaon and Johnaon. Jonaa Hanway and hia fionooa qaartoea are too weU koown to detain na. Bell of Antenaony haa been coaanllad in «• Pinkerton*a Voyagea." The admirable editions of Carpini and Robitt^nia by lyATezachave been cenatantly at my elbow, aa havetheTariooa vofameaof the ymmal Asiatip$€, and the JtfSilmfvs AtioHquit of the 8t Peterabnrg Academy. Klaproth's Magtuin AsiaHpu^ tbe Gtogra^kkmi Ma(paam^ the Jbashcki Rmte^ Petennann'sillZttAAlWa^m, Baer and Helmeraen^ BtUmgft and the '* Mteoirea aor la Chine," by the French Jesuits, will be foond fjnoted for aeveral Tahiable papers.
Vambery'a " Histoty of Bokhara** and his '*TraYels * I have foond vety nsefol in the later diapters. It la to be regretted dial the former work, which IsfUl of graphic power, was written with snch want oC care. It ought not to be forgotten that Benkoftki, in his wdl known lopplement to De Ooignea, had elready given from the "Tarikhl Mdchn KhanT* the histoiy of the Astrakhaoids, which M. Vambeiy daima aa a discovery of his own. These aie my prindpal authorities; others, soch as Srdmann, Wolff, D*Ohsson» Pallaa, Ynle, etc, I have already mentfoned in my former vohime; others iHiidi I may have here overlooked will be ibund duly mentioned in the following pagea, when I have drawn Inspiration from them.
On looking over the roO of great men, living and dead, whose gamers I have rifled, I fed more than ever how small my efforts have been compared with thdrs, and how mnch I am indebted to them. I hope I have done them no injostice. If my readers find anything of value in the following pages, let them assign it to those under whose shadow I have found shdter, and leave the rest to me. In many places, I may aay with Chanxniy I only daim the form and methodt and not bebig ablo to say the thing better than my aotbority, have without acruple used his words, A man ia not jeafous of his father, or a scholar of his master. What th^ have tau^t me I have tried to inlcffpret for others. I shall be wdl content to have cast some seed from thdr baskets into coraers where nothing grew before, and to make men
Digitized by
PmurACK. xjodii
lad which th^ SQiaetloiM Itft btrily visible, whU* the nty task remained of chipping off a frw q^iatera and lagpisg it all haie.
I moat noiw letun^ my thaaka to othen iHk» hav» ntaiatad bm. In the firat ptace» theae are doe to the kind good fr^»da who have opesed op for me toureea which were otherwiae a aealed book* I snean Che varioua worka here quoted from the Rniaiaav None can exaggerate the drearjF labour involved io ^fending many days and nif^ta in tsaasktiag from another tongue, and purely oot of good nature, for the writer of a book ¥^ose very enthusiaam for such an arid subject is near akin to madness m their eyes. Among those who have as^sted me in this way, I have to mention my friend, Mr. Fairixother, whose unaffected goodnesa has left him stranded without an enemy, which is as great a temptatioo to one^a virtue aa antkenhip would be In the absence of criticism. He haa now migrated to Moscow, where my gratitude I hope may reach him. Hext, my younger friend, Mr. Kinlodi, who is net only a good Russian scholar, but an ingenious chemist. He haa not sparod himself for me, and a great deal that is of vahie in the following volumes would have been hidden in Egyptian darkness but for his aasistanoe and seal. I have alao received help at all times in the moot free and generous manner from ray friends, Mr. Schuyler, Mr. Robert MicheO, and Mr. Delmar Morgan, all well known aa Russian schoUrs, and from whom the world expects a rich harvest of translation in the fiituie. To Dr. Rieu, of the MS. department of the British Museum, I am much inddited for a tranalation from the Peraian of several pagea of the Tarikhi Abulkhair, fr>r aone long passages of Khuandemir, and for a perennial good nature which haa never flagged towarda me and my work. Dr. Rost, of the India Libraiy. Mr. Vaoz, of the Asiatic Society, and Mr. Edward Thomas, I have to thank for unfrtiling urbanity, and for the loan of rare books, a loan on the only coo^tkm that Is of any vatae to a stadent doing original work, namely, for an indefinite time.
Laatly, there are thoee wholivedoser to our hearth^ and who knowoa better than the rest. A Chineae proverb says, ''The coiO<>'^ ^^^^ ^^^^ ^ the man who plays the gong for hinu** On hia own carpet then ia not elbow room iox an impostor to pli^ the hero, or to frvmulate the pretenoea with which he can mystiiy the ctowd. On the other hand, the tiea that bind him there are not ao ^hemeral aa the boode %riiich connect him to those whose Cons never Ihre beyond the conventional nine days. It is no part of the woild's business asenredly, but It ia mme the less a partof our duty to think at this time of thoee who have meanwhile made our home happy and blight. When a terriMe calamity has thrown a shadow across our lives, it ia a gnat temptation to invoke oblivion, by burying one'e lifo in a work like this, and to forget meanwhile that othera are in the shade perhaps more deeply than ourselves. More thanks for the overflowing kindness and gentleness which never grumbled or complabed. As for other justification for what many deem wanted howi, health, and money, there Is a ring of aomethlng like a great truth behind, which I would ahelter in the quaint and nigged words of Sir Thomas Browne: "There is no sanctum sanctorum in philosophy,'' he says, "the woeld was made to be inhabited by beasts, but studied and contemplated
Digitized by
JOadv PRBFACB.
Digitized by
CHAFTER I.
THIS chapter is devoted to an account of the yjAam nets wlMch fonned the heritage of the eldest son of Jingls Khan and his descendants. This heritage was caUod Togniak hf the Mongols^ j^parsntty from a frontier tomm on the river Chn witii iHikh they came early into contact. It was called Desht Kipdial^ or Uie St^pe of Kipchaky from the tribe of Kipchak, wbkh was once its most praminent occupieri and was known in the West as the Golden Horde.
Such of my readers as are not interested in minute ethnolpgy and the dry discussions of details which chiefly constitute it, wiH do weQ to pass on at once to the next chi4>ter| in which the narrative properly begins. I have used the name Tartar as the generic name of the race described in this vokmie. A justification of this I shall give later on. Here it win suffice to say that the tribes to which attention will be confined are of Turkish race, the aristocracy and leaders alone being of Mongol descent The aim and scope of our work are to integrate a large part of the broken history of the Asiatk nomades around that of the famous imperial race which claimed descent from Jingis Khan.
The Mongol word yurt meant originally the domestic fireplacci and according to Von Hammer, the word is identical with the Gennan herde and the English hearth, and thence came in a secondary sense to mean house or home^ the chief s house being known as Ulugh Yurt or the Great House.
An assemblage of several yurts formed an ordu or <u:da, equivalent to the German hort and the English horde, which really Means a camp. The chief camp where the ruler of the nation lived was called the Sir Orda, !>., the Golden Horde.*
The name is applied by Carptni and Benedict of Poland to the great tent tenanted by Kuyuk Khan. Teuiorium prmparaium qncd c^ud ipsoi Orda Aur$a appellatur: hH Kuyuk debebat ppni im sedt, #/r., says the 4brmer.t Invemruni impircUarem apud iiuiorimm magnum quod VQcatur Syra orda^ says the latter.! The name was apparently similariy applied to ^atu's chief tent, whence it came about that eventually the whole nation was known as the Golden Horde.
As I shall show further on, the Golden Horde was from the beginning divided into two main sections; that subject to the older branch of
* VoQ Hammer, OoUta Hordt, ss, 3J. t£4.J[)'Av«sM.7S7* Hd^TTT*
B
Digitized by
2 HISTORY OP THB MONGOLS.
Jachi's family dominated in the east^ had a titular suzeiaintjr over the other, and was known as the Ak Orda or White Horde, vdiile that living in the western part of the Khanate^ which held the real, ahhougli not the nominal, authority, was styled the Kok 0»ia or Bhie Horde. These werei however, political divisions, and not ethnographic ones.
The ethnography of the Golden Horde is not very difficult to make oat In the first place, the tribes who composed it may be divided into two well mariced and distinct sections, one of which, the Manguts or Flat-'Noses, formed the patrimony of Nogai Khan and his fiunily, aiMl the other and mudi more numerous one comprised the remaining Tartars, who were distinguished by a variety of names.
We win first consider the Nogais, who are also called Manguts. AH observers have agreed in separatii^ them sharply from the other Tartars. ThttSyDr. Clarke says of them: ^ They are a very different peo|4e from the Tartars of the Crimea, and may be instantly distinguished by tiieir diminutive form and the dark copper colour of their complexion, sometimes almost blade They have a remarkable resemblance to the Laplanders, although theur dress and manner has a more savage character.*^
Pallas enlarges also upon then- specially Mongolian features. Klaproth says: ^ Of all the Tartar tribes that I have seen the Nogais bear by (act the strongest resemblance in features and figure to the Mongols, a circumstance which authorises the inference of an intermixture with diat nation, which perhaps took place during their residence to the north and north-west of the Casirian.**t
These extracts will suffice to show that the Nogais dtfTer essentially from the other Tartars in physique. They diffisr also in language. Thus, Pallas says : ^ The language and writing of the real Tartars differ little from those of the Turks, and the dialect of the mountaineers who are subject to the Turkish dominion, bears a still greater analogy to that of their masters. On the contrary, the tongue of the Nogais deviates more remarkably, as they have retained numerous ^Mongolian phrases, and make use of an ancient mode of writing, likewise mixed with Uie latter, and called ShagaltaL^t This mbcture of Mongol with their language is denied by Klaproth, and with justice. ^ On the other hand," he says, ^you still find among them some remains of the old Tartar dialect, which they make use (^ in writing and which a called Jagatai, or as it is there commonly pronounced, ShagaltaL'^S This is very interesting. As is well known, the Turkish race is divided by ethnographers into two great sections, the western Turks, of whom the greater part of the Tartars of the Golden Horde are good examples, and the eastern Turks, of whom the Uighurs and the so-called Jagataians, of whom we shall h^ve much to say in our next volume, are the type.
«Clftrk«*tTfl«fitls,L»5>S. f Trvrtb in the Cawant, i6i.
][Tftv«ltiiiSottt8mlUMii«,U..S9S. iO^dt^xCx.
Digitized by
THB^ XTHUMllAray W KlfCHAK. 3
It foOaWp from what has been ttated, that the Nosfais speak a dialeet doidjalfied to that of tiie eastern Talks, wUi whom they also agree hi physkjtie. This view is supported by another carious circum- stance. In the mythical traditions of the Tuik% the race is descended finm two st«n-fiithcrs, Nokus and Kiat» who are said to have been brathers. The TMcs peeper are apparently ecmiprised under the head of K]at% and tims we read of Kiat Kungrads and Kiat Kanglis. Nekusy on the other hand, serass to be therepretentatfre of the eastern Turks and Uighurs. In this vieWi it is curious to find one division of the Usbegs called Nokus Mangut
From an these dicumstancet it would seem probable that the Mai^uls were in fiict a section of the eastern Turks who had found their wayinto the west, where they are an intrusiTe eleraent Have we any dhect proof of sodi a mignttion ? I bdieve such a proof exists. The empite of the eastern Turks or Uighurs^ according to die Qunese^ was overturned by the Hakas in the year S4a Thereupoui we are told that Pingtd^ or Pangtele^ <Mie of die mhiisters of the late Khan, fled at the head of fifteen tribes of inghurs, to the Kololu or Karhiks.* This mIgntkHii I bdieve^ first brought the Manguts into die west. NoWy on tummg to western writerSf we ud a new and aggressive race of Turks i^ipearing shordy alto this very date on die Volga, namdy, the Pedien^is. I propose tentatively to identify the Pechenegs with the followers of Paiigtele^ and widi the later Manguts.
The first i^ipearaiiee of the Pechenegs in Encopt is dated by Constan* tfaie Poiphyit^enitus about the year 2g^r^g% when, as he tells us, they were attacked by die iOtasarSi and Ud in alfia^ce^ and driven from thdr andent seats.t Previouslyi according to die same author, they had lived on die Atil, i#^ the Volga, and the Geedi, iA, the Jaik, and were the neighbours of the Uri and the llasarLt In another place he teMs the story in anodier way. He says diat ^ the Patzinakitai» who were formerly called KtxkgBT. whidi nam^* he adds, ^among them meant nobility and strength, having taken up arms agafaisS the Khasars, were beaten, and deserted thehr country, and were oUiged to eater the land inhabited bytheTurks.^ By Tuiks Omstantine always means die Magyars.
After a whiles Constandne goes on to say, the Pechenegs ifuarrelled widi the T^nks, and havix^ defeated them, drove one section towards Persia, i/., as I believe, to the north of die Caucasus, and the odier towards the Carpathians. The Pechenegs now definitely oco^ied the M TurUand on eadi side of the Dnieper, and divided dieir country imo eight provhices— four east of that river called Tsor, Cti^iee, Tahnat, and l^xypon ; and four west of it, namely, Chopoa, Gyla, Kharoboe, and £rtem,|| and thus occupied the very country held by die Nogais in later
Of.Citnn8,X4S^ tStrittMViavTQ?^ U^
Digitized by
4 fltSIO&r OF THB MONGOLS.
timis. BkewheraConatAiitineteasiif theiitmeKangtf to att tbe Peclieii^gSy birt only to three of ^dr tribes who woe t^^ Bobkr than the reet* This shows that Pecheneg and Kaogari vihkk is appaientlyQDlj inother fbnn of KanloJif weio not quite cmivertibk tenn^ NestoTi Ae eaily Russian annalist confinns the account of Constantine, except as to the date; in dates, however^ he is often astnj- He my^ the Pedienegs appealed for the fim time in Russia (i«^ in the principality of KiefX in the year 915. They made pcaoe with Ig«r Uie Russian diief, and advanced as |yr as the Danube, and had intercourse with the Greek «Bqte.t Zeuss thus gives the synonymy of the Pecheaegs. Thsywefe caUed Pixenad by Lln^irandt Pecenatid by Coimas of Prague and Pincenatesy Pednei, Petinei| Posdnagi, by other western writers; Patsinakitai, byConstantinePo^hyrogenitus; Pecae^jei, by the Slavs; and Bisseni, w Besd| by the Hungarians. This kst Icmn of the name probably gave its appellation to Bessarat^; Snorro calls the race Pedna y0x. That Uie Pechenegs were Turks there cannot be any doubt Ibn d Vaidi describes ihem as a TUrldsh race who had separated from the other TurkSi and settled between the Khasars and Krim. He calls them Bdmakije, and tdb us, that although they had lived tikere so kmg they had not any houses.) Anna Conmena tdls us they spoke the same language as the Comans. The meaning of the w<ffd Pechen^ is explahied very i^audUy by M. Vambery as bdng a comqition of }>ash mak, li^ duef princcf Von Hammer, and Dr. Schott, in his memoir on the Kangar, say the name Bcjnak means the related, or allied. It is undoubtedly a personal name; thus we read that when the Cossadc Yermak attadoed the Siberians on the Tawda, a prince called Pecheneg was among the skin, so that it is etceedingly probable that the race was named alter some diief named Pecheneg, as it was at a later day after Nogai. It will be noted also that the chief who ruled on the Vdga at the time of Batu's invasion, was called ^tf^'sMW, which seems another focm of the same name.
The Pechenegs occur for the last time, #0 mmime, in the Russian fi^^^u in the year 1153, but in 1163, and in that section of Nestor, written by the §aax± oontimiation, we find a new name applied to the rivals and enemies of Uie Comans, in the steiq;»es of southern Russia, iriio can be no other than the Pechenegs, namdy, Chemoklobuks or Blackcaps.!
Theyare also mentionedin the years 1174* nSy, n^ ii92,aiid laoaf We again meet with the name in the accounts of Batu's invasion, when we are told that in the autnnm of 1339 he with the other princes marched against the Russians and the Karakalpaks or Black Caps.** Thisnameof Black Caps, or Ksm>r*Tr*''*i is actually a wdl-kno\%n tribal name am<Mig
♦ 8trit»»f.iu..8«8. t Op. dt.. td. Pant, L. 53- I Zwim, o^ dt. 743.
I OMtraFhicia Uaiuiat, ir^ fi, I NeHor. xi., gt-
IVraUaaxiiw^Qoldta Horde, 4S4-«. ••D'OhMoo.iL.Ct^.
Digitized by
THB BTHMOOSAfHT OP KIVOHAK. J
teTMa» and applied to an fanponant aectbn of the Nogab.* One of Die pciadpal fNtimt of the KaiakalpakSy distingdahing them from the other Turideh tribesi is the poetetskm of a conddereble qoantity of hair ootiieirfiicee; andBalnsl wufff of the Pechen^ti tiiey had kmg beards and large mMStarhes Re adds, that their food consisted chiefly of miBett Vambery says the fitTOurite food of the Karalcalpaks is kasan 4jappayi 1$^ meal baked in a pan with hL
One of the tribes of Kipchak, as given by Norairi in 13251 was named Kara Burldii f^ Biatk Caps; and lasdy, Strahlenbeig} tdls us that east of the Jaik there snnrived when he wrote places called Tafanasata and Curcotata, which are deariy identical with the Tahnat and Tinr of CoQstantine PorphyrogenitnSy which he names as two sections of tlie Fedieaegs. Fw these reasons, I am disposed to identify die Mangots and Karakalpaks as the descendants of the Pechenegs.
Ha:ving separated the Mai^uts and shown how they were an intm^ve dement in the population of ^the Kipchaki* we may now torn to its remaining Tartar Inhabitants. These have a more or less homogeneoos history. Ofcomsei in certain areas, as hi the Krim and at Kazan, they have been largdy sophisticated in blood by a mixture widi other races, but hi the main they are under their variotts names very pore and typical specimens of die Turidsh stock. We will now consider some of their fivisionsy and b^;io with—
The HTmrnki. The name Kasak has no ethnic vahie. It is applied to Turidsh tribes, to die Slavic Cossacks of die Ukndn^ the Don, the Volga, etc, and to the Circassians, a part of whose country was called Kasachia by Constantine Pofphyrogenitus, while they themselves are called Kcssds or Kasak by their neighbours the Ossetes, who affirm that tlie Circassians called themsehes Kasak before the coming of the Kabardian princes from the Krim.$ Klaproth argues that the word has been adopted by the Tartars to denote a man who leads a martial and roving life like that of die Circassians, and he adds forther, that in the old Tartar and ita Idndred Turidsh dialects it is not to be found, and many Tartars even know nothing of its meaning.! Erskine says distincdy that the name is formed of two Arabic words, and adds that the Russian travellers call them Tartar words, as they do many Arabic and Persian terms idiich have been introduced into die Tartar or Turidsh language.f This Arabic etymology is a very probable one, and accounts for the word being found bodi on the banks of the Sir and north of the Caucasus in early times, Constantine Porphyrogenitus in the tenth century and Firdttsi somewhat later both using it It no doubt passed from die Circassians to the Russian Cossacks. The name means merely freebooter or nomade soldier. Haidar, in describing the young days
•F««r*i^dia9.ifl« t D'OhMoa, AM Caniai. 117, nS. I Op. dt, sis.
S Kliproili, TntTtlttetlM Caatatw, 3M4x« ild^px, 5 BnUat'k Bator, tWnBote.
Digitized by
6 HI8TGRT OP TBS ysWQOLB.
of Weis Khaxii when after bis fiitbar's death he took to roUeryi uses the word kazakl The term was also applied spedallf to the hired soldieiy employed by the various appaaaged princes in Russia. Thus we read of Cossacks of Riasan/ Cossacks of Usthige^ etcf Similarlyi we read of Kazaks of Gorodets or Kashno^) and Abwlghaii speaks of the vagabond sddiery m the service of the princes of Uigenj as Kazaks,}
We thus see that the term ^kasak" has in its origin no ethnic vahie* We have now to consider how it came to be applied as a race name to those who are often called Kirghb Kasaks (diey are called Kkghiz by the Bashkirs^ while I bdieve the Great Hotde is also so called by the othor Kasak8)i but who are now properly known as Kasaks. This has been e]q)lained for us by Haidar» the author of the Tarikhi RashidL He tells us how on the death of AbuIUudr the Uhisof the Usb^;s fell into confoskm» and how many repaired to Gini Khan and Janibeg Khani the representatives of the White Horde^ to the number of 30|0oo persons, and how they thus got the name of KoMok Usbegs; andhe afterwards refers to the same tribes merely as the Kasaks. Thdr history from this time can be fbUowed out in detaiLI Before this date no reference is made to any such race so for as I can make out, and it ia in every way certain that they so caOed thcmadves at this thne^ as being fogitives and vagabonds, par exttttimif and that the name as a raa^ name is no older than the second half of the fifteenth ceotary. Before this Uie greater part of the so<aitod Kaiaks coMtitiited the ^WUte Horde/ subject to Orda Ichen and his descendants, foom whinn, as we shall show, the chieftains of the modem Kasaks claim to descend.
Aa I have said, they cafl themselves Kanks, and by this name thef are known to the Persians, Bakhaiiaa% and Khivans, while the Chfaiese soften the k, and call them Khassaki, and also Hakas. IwiUnimgiva a list of their divinons. They aro^ in the first plaoe^ divided mto three sections, respectively known as aki|^ ioz, uru iut^ and kichik hi% ^i tiie Great, Middle, and Little Hordes, me meaning Kterally a hnadrnd or a century,f and being appKedTto a liorde) 9M the Mongob apply the terms minggan, tuman, etc
Originally, we are told, the Great Horde comprised the diree sectkms of UisunorUsuin,Tulatai,andSargam. KventuaOy, die horde of Knnkunkl or Kui^rad detached itself fi:om the Middle Hoitle, and joined it
The Middle Horde consists of the foor sections named, Afghin, Naiman, Kipchak, and Uvak-Girai.
The Little Horde originally comprised the powerfiil tribe of Alchin, idth seven pettydans, who were united into one tribe by Tiai^ in order to protect tiiem from the aggressions of their neic^boors» They were
|0^«iUaWw |K((*|i0%clii|kViil. tUf«liia%is«iOot«.
Digitized by
THE ETHNOGRAFHT OP KIKOJJL. 7
given die name of Semirodsk, Lf^ the seven tribes, while the Alchin tribe was itself divided into two brandies known respectively as the Alimuli and the Bainly,*
I will now enumerate the names and habitats of the smaller divisions of the Kazaks as given by Levchine, etc
I.— Thb Uttle Hordb.
The tribe of AlimuU consists of six divisionSy called Kara Sakal, Kara Kissieky Kiti^ Dort-Kara, Chumdcei, and Chikly. When Levchine wrote» it encamped in winter on the Sir, the Kuvan, the dried up bed of the Jany Daria^ on the sands of Karaknm and Borzuk, and at the mouth of the Yemba. A small section lived on the lixk^ the Or, a^^ Uraly from the fort of Krmsnogorsk as far as Verkhni Ozemaia. Their suohmt camps were on the rivers Temir, Yonbay Saghix, Uil, Ilek, Khobda, Or^ and Irghi^ in the hills of Mugojari and tiie Karakom sands. The tribe tdBaiuU is divided into twelve sections^ and comprises the dans of kM^ Cherkes, Tana, Baibakti, Shikhlar^ Ifaskari Kizil4mrt| lisen-T^mirf a part of that of Jappas, and the greater part of t^oee of Alacha,Tatlar,andBersch. All nomadised over-against the fortified line of the Lower Ural passed the summer between the Ural and the Yemba, near the Ues of Karakul, and the riven KnMagbaitij BuUorti, Ulenti, Jiisali, Changiir]iM)u, Ankati, and Uito, as £u: as Khobda ; the winter on the Caspian, at the numthsof the Ural and the Yemba, and near Gurief. A part of the tribe Adai lived at Mangnshlak; the sections Taxlar, Alacha, and Bersdi on the Sir, the Kttvan, and the Karakum sands. Thegreater part of the Yappaa eneaaped in summer on the Tobol, and the Turgai opposite Troit^ and in winter on te Sir and the Kuvaa.t As we shall see later «i4 * P^ of the BaiuUs detached themadves about iSoi and 1800, under their leader Bukei, and letded in the government of Astrakhan, and in the district of RinPeskL Wahl says the emigrants originally numhered 1,500 kibitkas, which number rapidly increaaed, anumnted in i8ao to upwards of 7,500^ and in 1863 to 15,000 kiUtkas, or iqnrardsbf lotxpoo sodb. Their number would be still kiger had it not been for the disastrous winter of 1833, when the whole steppe was turned to ioe^ and frightful snowstorms and icy blasts destroyed all animal life. The losses of die horde dining that dreadful season amounted to 380^000 Ixnrses, 75^000 head of cattle^ and ipoofioo sheep. Overwhdmed with terrortheyfled into the Government of Sarato^but have beoi qniedy settled again in their old territory since 1863.
The Semirodski or Sivm Ttibis^ oomprise the Tabin, Tama, Kerderi, Jagal-Baiuli, Kerait, Tiliaou, and Ramadan. They for the most part wintesed near the Iigliis, the Or, the Kumak, the Sagnnduk,and Uie hiOs of
Karadia. They passed die summer near the Russian frontier between
diefbrts of Veridmi Ozemaia and Veridmi Uralsk, and thence soudtwards
Digitized by
8 HISTORY OP THE II0N00L8.
to the Iigliii. The winter camps of the dam Kcider and Tama were on the Ural between Orenburg and Uralsk ; and their summer ones, on the Donghus, Khobda, Kanlis, and Uek.
The greater part of the dan Tabin camped near the two precedmg tribes, another portion on the Tobol, Sir, Kavan, and Yemba, while the rest lived with the Middle Horde on the Issd, Cho, and the sands of AremeteL The clan Kerait wintered on the Sir, and passed its summer on the Iigfaix and the mountains of Karacha and Troitsk.
The dans of Tilief or THieou, and Ramadan, wintered on the Sir and Kovan, near the Keraits, and summered on the Toigai| and in the neighbourhood of lake Urkach-KandiklL*
II.— The Middle Hordb.
The tribe or division Argkin^ comfMises die sections Kara Klssieki Karavul-Kissiek, Chaijitimi Janjar, Chakchak, Dort-Avol, Atigai, Alt^ Tebidi, Tabakli, Borchi, Karpak, Bassantieni A^iich-Kalkama% Kanjigali, Kosiugan, and KukshaL These dans, according to Levchine^ lived near the mountains Ulugh, Boyan-ula, Irdmen, KisO, Koyucha, Mukcha, and the districU of Uch-Burlik, Klldiakti, Udi-Kondai^ Bikdientd, and the banks of the Tuigai, Nora, Tobd, Irtish, Sariso, Ishfan, Issel, Ubagan, Ulkoiak, and Ayati, the sands of Kara Tusson, and the borders of the lakes Kisil, Kui^ Tiba, and Bishkan.t
The Nidmam comprised the dans of Akbnra (/j;, White WolfX Bttlachi, KarapGirai, Tirs-TamgaU, Dort-Ayol, Knk-Jarli, Irgfainiddi, Semis-Baganali {i^t possessors of M lambs), and Sadhr. The greater part of the Naimans lived in the jnountains of TaiiMgatai, die Upper Irtish, and other places on the Chinese frontier ; the renuunder on the ui^r Ishim, the Tnrgai, Kara Uxid^ Sir, Knvan, Lap-eu, Kak*sii| the borders of the lake Ak, and the mountains of Ulugh, Kichi, etc)
The AT^^^UIv comprised the dans of Tori-Ais^yr, Tttiui^ka, KItabak, Bultun, Karabahk, Kundelien, Tuia-Buga, Uson, and Kidc*Boron. They lived on die Issel, the Tuigai, Chakidc, Ubagan, Tobd, Ayat^ Munyunli, and Uya, near the fbru of Troitsk, Stepnoi, and Ust Uiskd; and on the sands of Karaknm, as well as in die districts hi Aman- Karagai, Ebdei, Yedis, and TiriddLf
The Uvak'Girais consist of the dans Uvak, Giimi or lOrai, and Tarakli. They nomadised on the rivers Ubagan, Ishim, Uya, Taguiac, Irtish, Issd, Sari Su, and Chu; on the sands of Ich-Kungur, in the neighbottihood of lake Kechubai-Charkar, and near the fortified line between the forU of Stepnoi and Vakho Uralsk ; and also near the forts of Zuerinogdofskoi and PreanogorkofekoL
III.— The Great Horde.
The lesser divisions of the Great Horde comprise the dans of Botboi, Chimir, Jams or Vanish, Sik-Am, Abdai Suvanc, Sara-Suli, Chanish-Kili,
Digitized by
THE ETHNOGRAPHY OF KIPCHAK. 9
Kanli or Kankli, Jdairy etc The tribe of Kungrad, which| as 1 said, joined the Great Horde m recent timts, indndes the clans of Bailar-Janjar, Uras Ghddi, Kuljegach, Bochman, Tok-Bulad, Iman-Bai, Kura-Kusia^ EtimHer^ and Kujmsh-Kansiz. These various clans of the Great Horde wandered on the rivers Chu, Tala-Su, 116^ Kuk-Su, Karata], Chirchik, Sir» Sari-Su> near lakes Kara, Ala, Al-Su, Anamas, and in the towns of Kulja Kashkar, Khokand, Tashkend, Turkestan, near he mountains Kara-Tau, Tarbagatai, Qunghiz-Tsazani and in the district known as the Seven Rivers* as wdl as in other places on the borders of China, and in the old country of the Sungars. One portion of the Kungrads lived in these localities, and another encamped with the Naimans.*
In enumerating these sections of the Kazaks, we must not forget that they comprise smaller divisions, and these again sttU smaller ones, which are constantly altering in name, etc., so that the hierarchy of the varioos sectional divisions would require almost a volume to illustrate it We will now turn to—
The IMe/^. First, as to their name. Here I have to break a lance with Professor Gregorief, for whom I entertain the profoundest respect, and to whose wide researches and learning I am greatly indebted. In a fierce criticism of Mr. Vamber/s History of Bukhara, much of which is, if severe, at all events unanswerable, he pours words of scorn upon those who derive the name of the Uxbeg confederacy from Vzbegf the great chief of the Golden Horde. Nevertheless, the view so denounced I think is supported by irrefri^^le evidence. M. Gregorief denies that it is the custom of the Turks to name their tribes after noted heroes. I can hardly understand this phrase. If we go back to legendary times, we shall find that Oghuz, Kipchak, etc., are stated by the Turkish genealogists to have given their names to the tribes they governed ; but we need not go back so far. Assuredly the Seljuki and the Osmanli among the greater Turk races and the various lesser clans of Turkomans are instances of this practice ; while, if we turn to the Golden Horde, we shall find it even more the case. The Bereke Tartars are so called not only by Mareo Polo, but by Abulfeda, and were so named from Bereke Khan. The Nogais are another instance in point, while the various tribes of Nogais are notoriously named from their founders as separate and substantive tribes ; so is it with a considerable number of the lesser clans among the Kazaks and Uxbegs.
Again, Professor Gregorief says the name Uzbeg does not occur till the second half of the fifteenth century, a hundred years after the death of Uzbeg. Sherif ud din, the historian of Timur, completed his famous Zefer NamdK in 1424, and was a contemporary of Timur ; he distinctly speaks of Idiku as Idiku the Uzbeg, and of the Kipchaks as Uzbegs.t
This shows us that the name was in use much earlier than M. Gregorief says. His third argument is that Uzbeg did not rule over the tribes called
• Levchinc, 303-8. t Charmoy, Mtms., St. Pet Acad.^ iH.^364 : Sherif od din. Ut., 34.
C
Digitized by
10
HISTORY or THE M0M00L9.
Uxbegs. So far as we know, he was acknowledged as their over chief by all the tribes of the Ulus of Juchi Khan, and his coins are found minted at an the towns in the Horde which up to his date had struck money.
I cannot, therefore, see any good reason for rejecting the very natural and cuiTent account that the Uzbegs were so named from the Great Uzbeg Khan, while the etymology of Uzbeg generally suggested in lieu of this derivationi namely, from Uz, self, and bek, bek,* is exceedingly impro* bable and £u>fetched.
Abttlghazi tells us that Uzbeg converted his subjects to the Mussulman £uth, and it was due to him that all the inhabitants of the land became converts to Islam, and that the II of Juchi adopted his name, which it would retain till the day oi judgment! The name Uzbeg, therefore, like that of Kazak, is a comparatively recent name, and does not date back farther than the reign of Uzbeg Khan, who died in 1340. Klaproth tdls us the Uzb^s are divided into four main divisions, namely, the Uighur- Naiman, Kangli-Kipchak, Kiat-Kungrad, and Nokus-Mangut}
The following table of the various branches of the Uzb^s was taken tcom a work entitled '< Nassed Nameti Uzbekia,' by Khanikof :—
|
I. Mangnt |
I. Juk-Mangut. |
|
|
3. Ming. |
2. Ak-Mangut |
|
|
3.yas. |
3. Kara-Mangvt |
|
|
4- Kirk |
||
|
5-Ung. |
||
|
6. Ungachit |
||
|
7. Jilair, |
||
|
8. Sarai. |
||
|
9. Kungrad* |
I. KanjagalL |
X. Urus. 3. Kara-Kursak. 3. Cholltk. 4. Kuyan. 5. KiUdaBU. 6. Mtltek. 7. Kurtughi. B. Gal^ 9. TupKanu 10. Kara. XI. Kara-bora. IS. Nogai. 13. Bilkelik. 14. Dustnik. |
|
11. Omli, |
1. Ax-Tana. 2. Kara. 3. Churan. 4. Tnikmen. 5. Kuuk. 6. Biahbahu 7. Kara.kalpak. 8. Kachai. 9. Haj-becha. |
|
|
*Sdniytor,Uio6. |
t Op. dt, x84. |
Digitized by
THI ITHNOORAPHT OF KIPCHAK.
II
m. Kofhtangtl).
xo. Yelchim XI, ArghniL
12. Naiman.
13. Kipduk X4. Chlohak. 15. Aarmt x6. Kalmak« 17. KftT-ta* x8. Buriak.
19. BasliJc
20. Sanutfchim, ax. Katagtn. 23. Kalechi.
23. Knnegaz,
24. Butrek.
25. Uioi.
26. Kabat
27. Khital. 2& Kangli. 29^ Vz.
30. Chnplecfai. 3Z. Chupchi.
32. UtarchL
33, Upulecbi. 34* Julttn.
35. Jtd-
36. Jnynt.
37. Chil Juyi\t. aS. Bui-Maut, 39. Vi«Maut,
IV. YaktamgAlL
V. Kk.
4a AralaU 41. Kiroit. 42* Ungut 43. Kangit.
45. Matad,
46. Murknn
47. Berkmit.
48. Knralas.
49. Uglan.
50. Kari. 5Z. Arab.
52. Ulechi*
53. Julcgan.
54. Kishlik.
55. Ghedoi. 56). Toikiiicii* 57« Dann«D.
58. Tabin.
59. Tama«
60. Rindan.
61. Mnmiii. 6a. UishTnu
63. Beroi.
64. Hafiz.
65. Kingfaiz.
66. Uirachi.
67. Juiret.
68. Buxachi.
69. Sibtiyan.
I. KuUH % Bannak.
Ki^ahiir,
Kill.
Chnlmiiaii.
Karakalpafei KUihtamgaB.
StMbU.
Dilbeti
Chacbaldl.
Tartvgs.
Aga-mailL
Ishikalt.
Kiiin-ZOi.
UyugU.
Boki^U.
Kaigali;
JuailL
7. 8.
9> x. 1. 3. 4- 5. 6.
7- I.
2.
3. Tin.
4. BafikU.
5. Koba.
76. Betasli.
71. Yagrinf.
72. ShoUNir. 73.TMM. 74-Tla«.
75. Kirdar.
76. Kirkin.
77.
78. Uglan.
79. Chirlet.
80. Iglan.
81. Cbilket.
82. Uigur.
83. Agbir.
84. Yabu.
85. Narghil.
86. Ynaak.
87. Kahet
88. Nachar.
89. Kujalik. 9a Bujrao.
91. Shiriih
92. Bakhrin.
93. Tume.
94. Niknz.
95. Mogui.
96. Kajratn.
97. Tatar.
Digitized by
12 . HISTORY OF THE MONGOLS.
In regard to the localities ocoqiied by the principal of these tribes, Khanikof says the Mangnts live partly near Karshi and partly near Buk- hara, while odieo of thenii espedaUy the elder branches, have established themselves In bodi these towns. The Khan of Bukhara's family, as we shall see, belongs to this stodL The Khitais are settled between Bukhara andKermlneh; the Naunans live near Ziyanud din; the Kipchaks between Katta Kurghan and Samarkand ; the Sarai near the road leading from Samarkand to Karshi; the Kungrads partly in Karshi, and partly between that town and the mountains of Shehri sebz ; the Turkmen on the Anm Dark; the Arabet between Karshi and Bukhara; the Buzachi near Buzachi, between the same places ; the Durmans in and near Khijuvan; the Yabu partly nomadise near Bukhara and partly with the Khitai Naimans in Miankal ; Uie Jid and Joyut axe partly settled on the Amu Daria, and partly wander about with the Turk- men; the Betash are all settied near Bukhara; the Bakhrin in MiankaL* To this cnnmefation of Khanikof s I <mfgtii to add that made by Vambery, who tells us the Uzb^ are divided into thirty-two principal taife or tribes, viz., the Kungrad, Kipchak, Khitai, Manghit or Mangut, N^ Naiman, Kulan, IQet, Az, Taz, Sayat, Jagatai, Uic^ur, Akbet, Duimen, Ushun, Kanjigall, Nogai, Balgali, Miten, }elair, Kenegu^ KanU, Ishkili, Bagurk, Alchb, Achmaili, Karakursak, Birkulak, Ttridsh, Kettekeseri and Ming.f
As I have said, Haidar calls the Kasaks, Uzb^ Kazaks, suggesting that both confederacies were dosdy related. This appears more vividly when we eiamine the tribal names cMnprising eadL Thus—
Usbeg tribes. Kazak tribes.
Kungrad. Kungrad, a tribe of the Great Horde.
Kipdnk. Kipchak, a division of the Middle Horde.
KhitaL Kitie, a clan of the little Horde.
Naiman. Naiman, a dividon of the Middle Horde.
Oshiin. Uzun and Usiun tribes of the Middle and Great
Horde re^ectivdy*
Taz. Tazlar, a tribe of the Little Horde.
Uighur. Tori Uighur, a dan of the Middle Horde.
KanjigaH. Kanjigall, a dan of the Middle Horde.
Jdair. }dair, a tribe of the Great Horde.
Kanli KanliorKankli, a tribe of the Great Horde.
Idi kill Chanidi kill, a tribe of the Great Horde.
Alchin. Alchin, the main tribe of the Little Horde.
These lists wOl show that the confederacies were composed largely of common elements, but we must not exaggerate this &ct too much and mistake a result due to the disintegrating and re-wdding process
•B•khtfl^bTD•Bod•,74•S t Tuibtry, Tranlt ia CMtral Ada, 345-fi aot«.
Digitized by
THB VTHN06RAFHT Of KIPCHAK. 13
wbidi went on dttring^ the Mongol domlnadon for an inidil identfty. yOuok we examine the tribal names (^ tlie two confederadea doady, we ihaU find not only that tiiey condft of Tery hetefogeneoot dementii bat that these dements are separable into two main branchesi iSiose ni^iich inhabited tiie Kipchak befofc the Mongol inYasioOy and those who mig ateddiither in consequence of it The great ethnologiad itiCt underiying the history we are dealing with is die thntsting of the Turkish community westwards. Belbie die Mongol period the TMcs occo0ed aU Sungaria, and (as we dwwed in the notes to the former irolame} all the so-catted Mongolian desert as ftr as the borders of Manchuria, the Mongols being confined t» the country round Lake Bi^cal and to Daiuia. The great eftct of the Mongol conquests was to posh the Turks out of the eastern part of Uieir former country, and to drive them very laigdy mto tiM west A kige portion of these more eastern Turics probably formed die Ulus of Qgotai and his fiunily. When this ulus was broken up and destrayed, they seem to h«re migrated, or were perhaps driven by the advancing Kahnnks fartothe iteppes of Kipchak. It was ai^arenUy in the main these new subjects iHio were converted by Usbeg Khan, and who adopted his name. Let us examine this positkm somewhat moredoseiy.
If we turn to die Usbegs we shall find that two out of the lour main divisions into which they fall bdoQg to diis category of immigrants, naiBidiy, the so^alled Naiman-Uighurs and the Klat Kungrads, while the Kaimans, the Uvak Girais in the Mkidk Hetde, and the Kangrads fai die Great Horde among the Kasaksfidlwiddn the same dass. Ifweenmine die minor divisions of die race, as given by Klaprodi, Khanikof, etc, we shall find a large number of names, sndi as Jelair, Khitai, etc, friiich also bdong to this immigrant secdon* Now, it is curious that Levchine, in describing the origin of the Kasaka, tells us distinctly that die Ktpchito, the Naimans, the Kungrads or Kunkurats, the Jelair8,and the Kanklis, the Diomans and Karhiks, Ibcmed no part of their race originally/ This confirms die view arrived at above fiom diflteent data. We will now consider briefly these immigrant tribes.
To what I said of the NaimanSf the Jelairsy the Durmans, and die Uighurs in the former volume I have nothing to add. The Naimans (as I there showed), at the aceesskm of Jingis Khan, dominated over Northern Sungaria, fixnn the Irdsh as far as Kaiakorum. The JeUdn and Durmans were Tmidsh tribes living among the Mongols, while die Uq^urs Uved at the welMoiown BisU»ali^ and its neigfabourhood.
Thecondusion I came to in that vohime in regard to the Keraits has been strengthened by further consideration. I have no doubt that they were Turks and not Moi^ols. I oui^ here to mention that they occur in the pages of Haidar. In describing one of Tanur% cainpijgttS, he
•Or.eH^uS.
Digitized by
14 HISTORY or THS MOmOU.
teUs US dut be tent ]Behnm the Jeltiri Klutii Bahsdnr, aid SImiUi Ali BdiadurtothstCRitoryofAlmatu. Thejf engaged the Kemj€ts»^,tlie Keraits, on the river Aishdc KhatiuL The t in Kenut is merely tiie Mongol plural^ and the tribe still survives in EMtem Su^garia, under the name of Girai or KiraL I have little doubt it alto survives in the Uvak Girais of the Middle Horde.
The Kunbuats ibrm tuch a notable fiictor in Mongol hlstoxy, and one hitherto to nei^edy that we may be pardoned Anr adding a few hnet to our former account of them. Rathid ud din tays eqwesdy they tprang ftoro the two people who came out of Iigene Knn, ia. (in his legendary history of the origin of the Mongob), from Kian and Nokut.* The story went that beftce they*]eft there they tnan|ded on the heartht of the other tribes, whence the Knnkmadt suffntd greatly from pains in their feet cauted by their having been burnt. As they migrated sooner than the Mongol% the latter in former times had been greatly at istue with them, and hated them. They themtdves reported that they were tprang from ^ Beitui Zerrin,'' m^ ^ Golden Vate^ which ttory Erdmana compares with that of the Golden bowl of Targitaoty etc He arguet that the tale is compounded of the notion of the noble Kumis bowl and the mountain^girdled valley of Irgene Kun.f Bettui Zerrin it said to have had three tont— Juiluk Mergen, the ancestor of the Kunkuradt proper ; Kabai Sbireh, who had two tons, named Angirat and 01khonud« the ancettort of the Angiratses and the Olkhmiuds; and Tutbudau» who had two tont» named Karanut and KuQgdmt The latter, we are told, married his fethei's widow, by whom he had a son named Miser \J\ngy who also married his fether's widow, and by her had a ton, Kurulat, whence tprang the tribe of the Kurulas, Miter Ulug afterwards married a Khitaian^ by whom he had a son, Iljiginf the stem fether of the tribe of the same name.t The interesting thing for us, of course^ about the Kunkurads is that the Mongols tr»ee the descent of their Imperial house from them.
Burtechino, the wolf«ncestor of the Mongol imperial stock, we are told, was a descendant of Kian, and belonged to the tribe Kurulas.S The Kurulas, as we said, were a branch of the Kunkurads. Rashid ud dm several Umes tells us that Alung Goa,idio was the real ancestress of the M<mgol Khans, belonged to the same tribe of the Kurulas,)! whence it folkyws that the Mongol Khans were descended from the Tuzki^ tribe of the Kunkumds. When we come down to later times, we find that the Mongol tovereignt constantly chose their principal wives from among Ae Kunkurads. Thus, Kabul Khan married GoaGulka, who was aKunknratf Yissugd married UhmEgeh, or OghdenEka, who was an Olkhonud.** Temujin*! chief wife^ Burte FMJin, was also an Olkhonud.
» BrdmaBB TcmMite, 1^. t/i..x70,x97,i98. 1/4., sot, tot. 4 Abalghtfi, 3S*
Digitized by
THE BTHNOORAPHY OF KIPCRAX. IS
The *^Yiien chao pi rid** says sIm was of the tribe Ubi^i ij$,f a COTniption of Kangurj or Knnkuri and that her ftdm enlai^red to Yessageiy on the fact that H had been customary for the Mongol princes to marry the beantiftil daughters of his hoasOi This is also said by Ssanang Setsen.* The beautiful wife of KhnbiUi Khan, Jabnn Khatun, was a Kunkuratf Another of his wivest Nembui Khaton, was also a Kunkurat, as was Katakash, the wife of tibe Kutchn, son of Ogotai and Bulughan Khatun, the wife of the Ilkhan Gasan, etct On the other hand, three of Jtngis Khan's five daughters, named Kujin Bigi, Ttamalun, and Altalun, married respoctively the Kurulat, Huladai Gnrgan, the Kunkurat, Shenggu Guigan, and the OIkhonud, Jarer Sagan.$ Again, the soubriquet of Kiat, borne by the Imperial house among the Moi^^ is also closely connected with the Kunkurats, who, as we have seen in the legend, are not only deduced from Kian or Kiat, but we actually find to' this day that one of the four main divisions of the Uzb^ is called Kiat Kungrad. The Kungrads again are deemed at Khiva the senior and most noble tribe. All these faurts concur in making it pretty certain that the Mongol rulers were in fact descended from the royal house among the Kunkurads.
A question which remains is as to the district occupied by this race. I have discussed this question in the former volume, with an unsatisfactory result, having no other authority, practically, but Rashid ud din. Since writing it, however, I have been able to cousult the ^ Yuen diao pi shi.*
.. In note 69 to this work PaOadius tells us that it is stated in the life of Dai Setzen, the father-in-law of Jingis Khan, as told in the Yuen Shi, that the Kunkurads lived in the {dace called Kulehrundurgin and Dalai Nur, and on the river Ydilignn. Dalai Nur is the well known lake into iriiich the Kerukm falls, and Ychligun is assuredly the Chinese transcrip- tion of the Aigun, the river that flows out of the Dalai lake. In regard to the other name, Undur in Mongol means hill or elevation,!! and Kttlehrmaypeih^M be a fornix of Kerulon, the land r being transposed. This, then, would make the home land of the Kunkurads on Lake Dalai, the Lower Kerukm, and the Argun. In confirmation of this, I may mention that the Giinese author translated by Gaubil makes Potu or Botu, the diief of the lakhrasses, live on the river Efgon^ ^., the Aig«n.f When Temuim set out to bring his wife home from her father's yurt, we are told in the Yuen chao pi shi that he went down the Ketulen. AH this is condnshre as to the position of the Kunkmrads. and we have only to reconcile it with the statement of Rashid ud din. As T^ObtMotL says, Rasbid uses die term oi^iru very loosely; sometimes he applies it to the Inshan mountains and to the great wall which separates
h Brdnumo, op. cit., 445* I D'Ohitoa, i., 8s, note. f Op. cit. 3.
Digitized by
l6 HISTORY OF THE MONGOLS.
China from Mongolia, at other times to the Khingan range, which separates Manchuria from Mongolia.* He doubtless treats Manchuria as a part of China, which it in fact was, during the domination of the Kin dynasty, who ruled it during the reign of Jingis Khan. He also gives the name of Jai Alchia to the same Khingan range ; and in another place mentions ''Alchia Kungur, which was formerly the winter quarters of the Kunkurads." D'Ohsson points out that a river Kungur, ^ich springs in the Khingan range, is marked by D'Anville as falling into Lake Taal, about N.L. 43. I may add that the river Olkui, which is marked as springing from the same range somewhat further north, not improbably gave its name to the Olkhonuds, one of the divisions of the Kunkurads. I have little doubt, therefore, that the Kunkurads occupied the eastern and north-eastern part of Mongolia, west of the Khingan chain, and including the environs of the Dalai or Kulun Lake and the river Argun, being thus planted between the Mongols and the Tartars properly so called. Let us now return once more westwards.
Having discarded the various tribes which invaded and settled in the Kipchak during the Mongol donunation, let us try and realise the conditio^ of things there before that event The Kazaks, as we have seen, were in the main the White Horde, under another name. The White Horde occupied the country of the lower Sir, the Chu, and the Talas. If we are to credit the express statement of Carpini, who travelled through the country, Orda, the founder of the White Horde, had a yurt cast of ImiL It would seem, in facf/ that his portion was largely conterminous with the empire of Kara Kit^M, which was probably his father's ulus, and that the modem Kazaks are largely the descendants of the Kara Khitoians, whepce we t^VL find the name Khitai surviving as a dan-name in the steppes of Kipchak.
The Kara Khitaians, however, had only a short-lived empire ; they had succeeded to the former power of the Turidsh sovereigns of Turkestan, called the Hkhanids, and who have been shown by Professor Gregorief to have been Kariuks. The name Karluk survived as that of a tribe even down to the time of Jingis Khan, but in its wider and eartier sense it mcluded the various tribes i^^hich obeyed the M, Turidsh sove- reigns at Balasaghun and Almaligh, who were^ as I beUcve,the ancestors of the Kazaks. These Kariuks were called the Lion Hoci hu, or Lion Uighurs of Kashgar, by the Chinese. Their supremacy only dates from the nmth century ; before that date the older Turics dominated in the valleys of the Talas and the Chu. The Turics, who were lUled over by princes, descended from the half-mythical Afrasiab. These Turks were, I believe, driven out by the Ktrhiks when the latter founded their power. They then moved southwards into Transoxiana, and farther south stiU towards
• D'Okason, i., 68, note.
Digitized by
THB ITHMOGltAFHT OF UFCHAK. If
the borders of India, when they are >i«U koownat Khilj, Kailadjis, etc Let us now rev«t again to the Usbegs. When we have discarded from our consideration the rarioos tribes who, as we have teen, joined the Uzbegs under the influence of the MongolSi we shali have renuuning two priodpal divisions, namel/, the Nokus Manguts and the Kangtt Kipchaks. The former of ^ese we have ahready considered Let us now turn to the latter.
The Kipchaks, who gave their name to the Khanate, and who were a very important element in its population, have a history which is very obscure and difficult to unravel One section of them who lived west of the Volga, and who were known as Comans to the Western writers, have already occupied us in the former volume, and we need aay no more about them, but east of the Volga there was another section which has been mudi neglected These were the ancestors of the Kipchaks, who now form such an important element in the population of Khokand and Mavera un Nehr. As we have seen, the Kazaks treat them as strangers to their confederacy, and they formed doubtless the original nucleus of the Horde of Sheiban, brother of Batu. Where did they live ? We have no absolute statements on the subject, and can only reach an answer by a process of exhaustion. The Kankalis, as we shall see, occupied the tteppes north of the Aral, from the Volga as far east as the Sarisu. The country east of the Volga on the Middle and Upper Jaik and further east was, as we have seen, in all probability occupied by the Pechenegs and Manguts, and we are driven to find a habitat for the Kipchaks in the country north and north*west of the Balkhash Lake, where the Middle Horde of the Kazaks has its camping ground, and where the Horde of Sheiban apparently had its focus. These Eastern Kipchaks lived beyond the region easily accessible to Arab traders, and we consequently find hardly any mention of them in the writings of Arab geographers. They are probably referred to, however, in an obscure passage of the Nubian geographer Edrisi, in the 9th section of his descripdon of the 6th dimate, under the name.of Khafshakh/ These Kipchaks no doubt formed a substantive power of their own before they were attacked by the Mongohi. There is a very interesting passage in the Yuen shi which I believe refers to them, and which is so valuable as dealing with an exceedingly obscure district that I shall take the liberty of extracting it from Mr* Bretschneider's very valuable work. The passage b contamed in the laSth chapter of the Yuen shi, in the biography of Tu tn ha (? Toktoghu), who was a prince of the IQncha (the Chinese Ibrm of Kipchak). It reads thus : ^The ancestors of the people of Khdcha originally dwelt north of Woping, on the river Jelien, near the mountain Andahan. Kuchu emigrated to the north-west, to the mountain called Yulibdll, and this name was then adopted te the
• Op. citM •d. iMbtn. u.. 41^
Digitized by
l8 HISTORY or TRB MONGOLS.
rdgning hnSlj. Kndra had a son Soiiiont» who also had a son Inosse ; th^ were aU hereditary princes of IQacha. When Jingis was at war with the Mfdiki (MeildtsX the prince Huodn fled to lOncha. Jingis demanded his delivery, which was refused, when the emperor gave orders to attack Kincha. MThen Inosse became old, his realm was troubled by insurrection ; and his son Huhisuman then detamined to said envoys to ^ngis, and offsred his submission. Men^ (Mangu, subsequently emperor) received (Miders to occupy Kincha. Hulusuman's son Banducha surrendered with his people; Black maie^s milk, which is very pleasant to the taste, used to be tent fimn Kincha to the Court of China; whence the IQndia were called also HalachL Tutuha, whose biography is found in the Yuen shi, was a son of Banducha. He died in 1279. His son Chuangwur, who died in T332, was also a renowned general; and his son Yientiemur* was a Minister of China, I3S8-I333 ; IHentiemur's brother Santun was also minister, as was Santun's son likcwise."t
A few words will suffice for the consideration of the Kankalis, to whom we devoted a paragraph in the former volume.| I have there identified them with the Nogais, and this is partially correct We still have among the Nogais dans with the names of Chushan-Kangli, and Kabil-iTtf^-Agakli ;$ in the same way, as we have seen, some of the Pecheneg tribes were also Kankalis, and the most probable solution of the question is, either that the Kankalis actually invaded the west, together with the Manguts, or that they derived their name, which means cart or araba, lirom some mixture with theoL A few words on their name of Kanklis may not be inopportune.
In describing the war of Oghuz Khan against the Tartars, Abulghasi says that he had not sufficient sumpter-beasts on which to carry off his booty, whereupon a brave boy who was with his army invented a cart His example was followed by the whole army. To these carts they gave the name of kank. They were previously unknown, as was their name. They produced when in motion a sound resembling kank* kank, whence this name. The inventor of the cart was thereupon called Kankli, and from him were descended the KaiMs or Kankalis.| It will be noted as a remarkable fact, and one referred to by Erdmann, that the Kankalis are treated as the allies rather than as the subjecU of Oghus Khan.ir Dr. Schott says that among several tribes of Siberia a cart is still known as kanga.**
Let us now consider another curious fact in the biography of Buhuman, a Kankali chief, which is given in the Yuen shL In this it is eqiresdy said that the Kankalis derived their origin from the Kaokiu, a people
* S«f hii special biography ia chap. oixiTiii. t Bntschii«ider> op. dti 174-5*
lAf$ie,r6L I, x8, 19. i Asia. Poljrf lotta, ax9# aao.
I Op. eit, X7. f Brdm&Bii Tom^jini 499.
^•ChlaitlaelM Naahrlclilso usbar di Kaiiav,ete., Mena. Berlia Acad., XS44. >S4» note.
Digitized by
TRS XTHNOOItAPHY OP UKHAK. I9
nwBtionad in the Han history.* This p«opte is alto and mim frequently called Kaocbi^ the particle cM abo being read as Idu. Kaoch6 means in Chinese high cart, and Dr. Bretschndder tells us fiirdier that hi the history of the Wei (il^;, in the 5th century of oar era) the name of this people b explained by the high wheels they used to put on their carts.t Kemnsat also teUs us that kaochi in Chinese means the same thing as kankali in Turidsh.) This is, thereforOi a complete proof tiiat the Kankalis were in &ct of the same race as the Kaoch^ I would mention parenthetically that Von Hammer tdls us the Chinese kaoch^ is the same as the Torkish kochi and the English coach.S I have sufficient «ns of my own to answer for without befaig responsible for all Von Hammer's etymdogies, but this one certainly seems reasonable and interesting.
The Kaochd are well known in Chinese history. The name is a synonym, in foct, for the Uighurs, which is another proof of the connection, direct or indirect, of the Kankalis with the Eastern Tuiks. Among the shreds of the Kankalis who escaped the Mongol arms was a small tribe called Kayi or Kiat Kangli, which dwdt at Mahan, near Merv. On the Mongol approach, they retired westward into the district of Akhlatt, in Armenia. Eight years later, when the Mongols appeared there, they again retired into Asia Mmor. Their chief was named ErtogTul. He and his people, consisting of about 440 ^unities, obtained the grant of a district near Angora, from the Seljuk Sultan of Rum, and he was given the title of Uj Bey» or Maigrave. He was the father of the £unous Othman or Osman, the founder of the Ottoman Empire. It So that the Ottomans proper, the original nucleus of the race, vrere Kankalis.
Constantine Porphyrogenitus calls the Kankalis, Kangar. Of this name^ Kangkiu is the natural Chinese transcription, a change which may be compared with that of the Latin conchisum into the Italian conchiuso ;f and Kangkiu is, in fact, a name applied to the Kankalis by the Chinese, as De Guignes long ago showed. Now, in Schmidt's criticism of Von Hammer's ''Golden Horde," we are told that among all the peoples of Central Asia, Mongols as well as Turks, the Osmanli to this day are known as Khangar.** This is a curious confirmation of the (act that the nucleus of their race was the small tribe of Kayi Kangli, who left Khorassan on the invasion of the Mongols. In a small Chinese book published in 1777, and entitled ''Si in wen kian lo,** is a curious account of the Russians, who» we are told, were then governed by a female khan. They are described as having been at war in the twentieth year of Kien lung, i>., in 1755, with the Kanggar, which Schott agrees
*BrtCacl««i4«r,NotiMtoflltd.Otoc.«adHiAW74*BOtoi4S« tM.
I D'OhNds, L, HS* •94. f SclMtW«^ dU iMt Mlt. ^ GoMw HcH«,SoS,
Digitized by
80 HISTORY OF THX MONGOLS.
with Schmidt is die name by which the Otmanli are now knewn in Centnd Asia.* The account is very quaint in its details, and makes the war terminate by the Rnssians becoming tribotary to the Kanggar, and having to submit to pay an annnal tribute of 500 boys and 500 girls to the victors. All this is the mannfiicture of Qiinese patriotism, nor does the date seem to be correct; but the account, as Schott says, doubtless refers to the war which the Empress Catharine fought against the Turks, in the years 1769 to 1774, and which ended in the peace so <Usastrous for the Uuter, secured by the treaty of Kndmk Kainaija.t
Let US now condense the result of our inquiry. It would seem then that at the time of the Moi^l invasion the valleys of the Oia and the Tales were occupied by certain tribes once subfect to the fiunous dynasty of the Kariuk Khans, and later to the Khans of Kara KhitaL These tribes are now mainly represented by the Kazaks. West of them, in the steppes north of the Aral, and wandering as fiur as the Volga, were the Kankalis» West of them again, in the steppes of southern Russia, were the Comans, a section of the Kipchaks proper. The other section of the Kipchaks lived to the north and north-west of the Balkhash lake^ in the present countrv of the Middle Horde of the Kasaks. West of themy and on the Middle Yaik and the Yemba, were the Pechenegs, Manguts, or Karakalpaks. To the north of the latter, were the Bashkirs, who did not form any substantive community during the Mongol domination, and who were, as I have shown elsewher^t dosely related to the Magyars and to the Meshkeriaks of eastern Russia, and to the Uses of the Byiantine authors.
A few words, in condusion, on the present condition of the various Tartar Hordes. The Uzbegs, as we have seen, have practicaOy left the Kipf^^ steppes altogether, and are now living in the countrv of Mavera un Ndir, in Turkestan, and in Khuaresm. Those who remain in Turan are represented oartially by the Siberian Tartars, who ive chiefly in the govemmenu of Tobolsk and Tomsk. The Tdbokk Tartars take their name from the river Tobol, on which and its tributaries they are chiefly found. The Tartar inhabitante of the city of Tobolsk itself are chiefly of Buldiarian descent. VHien Geoigi wrote they numbered about 4poo men, and lived in villages of from ten. to fiAy houses. They were Muhammedans, and practised agriculture, as well as being
herdsmen.S
Latham says they are found about Thmien, on the Tura, and also about Tara, en the Irtish, and are divided into six tribes, the Osta, All, Kundei, Sarga, Tav, and Otus.||
The Tomsk Tartars live in villages on the river Tom, from its sources in the mountains of Kusnezk to its outfall into the Ob. The Tartars of
• Schott, op. au 15«- t ^'"1 ^i^
I Q%o^ti^bk»i MftfMintt iv. A^tbor't papw on tht Usm, Tcrkt* or Migytti.
1 lolfkriltiinf fttt Hit ,irtf , m, it^ I NttiToRMotof tbt RoMita Bvpin, 174^
Digitized by
TRB BTHNOOIUyRT OF KIPCHAK. 31
tbe City of Tomsk are also BiiUiaiiaia« Tba Tomsk TartaiSi Uko those of Tobolsk, are agfkttltttrists and cattle bnedefi. Their chief tribes are the Tshagi, Ayus» and Tayan.*
The Kaxaks we have akeady described. They are now, with the eiception of a portion of the Great Horde^ entirely subject to Russia. Of the Nogab and thdr present distribotion we^iaU reserve a aotioe for the condadiog chapter of this Toloaae. Here we wiU oooteot ourselves with giving a list of the chief Karakalpak txybm, as r^oited by Vambery» the Karakalpaks being, as we shall show in chapter xii., a •ectkm of the Nogais. Vambery thus enumerates them : The Baimakli, Khsndekli, TersUmgali, Achamaili, Kaichili Khitai, IngakU-Kenegus, Tomboyun, Shaku» Ontonturuk.t We wiU now turn to the Tartars properly so called, those who formed the backbone of the Golden Horde.
They may be best diWded into the Tartars of the Crimea, of Kasan, and of Astrakhan. Of the first of these the number in 1858, according to Wahl, was 240,000^ but most of them afterwards migrated to Turkey, according to some prophecy which predicted the unioii of all Muhammedans on Turkish ground. ''They have, however, had cause to repent of their rash piety, for the holy sml did not offer them anything like what they had left behind, and it is said they are returning to the meat pots of Crimean Egypt'^l The Crimean Tartars are very mixed in blood. Many of them are of Nogai descent These are described as slight in build, but wiry, with a dark yellowish completion (often passing into copper colour), black eyes, small and flat nose, black hair, and little beard. The formation of their eyes and temples is strikingly peculiar, inasmuch as the latter are very projecting^ and make tbe former appear very deeply set in their cavities. The eyes are narrow, long, and turn np slightly at the comers towards the arch of the cyefbrow.
" The Tartars of the northern inountains of the Crimea, and of the steppes and valleys of that part of the country, are distinguished from the others by their tall stature, powerful frames, and their resembhnce to the Circassians. Their complexion is lighter, they have big and dark eyes, black beard and hair. They are a very handsome people. In the south of the Crimea they seem to have much Greek blood in their veins. Th^ are also tall, strong, and dark (but not yellow, like those of the central plains), and have long and agreeable faces, straight noses, of sometimes Gredc and Roman form, and black eyes and hair. The form of the Tartar ear is very peculiar, and is probably caused by their habit of wearing the big sheepskin caps. Thus it happens often that the ear is actually broader than it is long. The fairness of the skin of their women, who take care never to expose It to the anr, is really extraordinary.*$
* GMTci. op. ch., ti7 ; I«ttha«. 1714. t Vtmbery, Travels, 94!, mc*.
I Th« iMkA e( tbe Cfa> X7S. f Wtlil, 17! and 179.
Digitized by
23 RI81X>ltT or THE MONOOtS.
There is a cokmy of Taitan in Lithoania numbering about 8,000. Of these 5,000 live in the goremments of Minsk; 3,800 in that of Wna; 400 in Kovno; and 300 in northern Poland They are composed partly of Krim Tartars, who were made prisoners of war, and colonised in 1595 by Vituti the ruler of lidiuania, who, we are told, ''also established a bodyguard of Tartar warriors, still forming a part of the lesser Polish nobility. Although they intermarry with Polish women of rank, they remain Muhammedans, and contract no marriage below their caste, so that the Tartar type and martial spirit has been preserved by them in all their andent force. But forty years since there still existed a Tartar regiment, the first rank of which was armed* with pikes, the second consisting of the servants of the first, which was entirely composed of noUes. They are generally poor, but lead an irreproachable life, as if to prove the respect with which they regard the memory and escutcheon of their fathers. They are almost exclusively engaged in the tanning trade, and altogether a most worthy, excellent people ; faithful, and brave soldiers; modest, sober, and discreet in word and deed. Only the educated can read Tartar, but without understanding it, and write Russian or Polish with Arabic letters. They read iht Koran in the Russian or Polish Translation.*^ The Tartars of Astrakhan! who were once a notable power, have dwindled down, as I shall show further on, into a very small community, and consist mainly of Nogai$.t
The purest representatives of the old Tartar Khanate of the Golden Horde are no doubt the Tartars of Kazan. Besides those who live in the government of Kazan itself, whose number is put down by I atham at over 300,000, we are told that there are of them in the government of Samara 105,000, in that of Simbirsk 85,000, Viatka 80,000^ Saratof 50,000^ Pensa 45,000^ Nijni Novgorod 37)000, Perm 35,000, Tambof 13,000, Riazan 5,500, St. Petersburg 3,500, Kostroma 300, Moscow 300, and among the Don Cossacks 600. Wahl says of these Tartars : **They are industrious, particularly at their national trade, the preparation of skins, manufacture also morocco leather, and even work in the mines. Their nankins and soups are celebrated. The Tartar idiom spoken by their tribe is the purest of all the Turkish dialects spoken in Russia, and has produced a literature by no means despicable. They are an affable, gentle, honest, sober, and very cleaidy people, so that they are much in request everywhere. Their family life is exemplary, and their children are carefully educated.**!
Tornirelli says of the Kazan Tartars : *^ The number of their race inhabiting the town of Kazan is about seven thousand. They are in general well formed and handsome ; their eyes are black or grey ; they have a keen, piercing look, a rather lengthened form of face, a long nose, lips somewhat thicker than those of Europeans, a black beard,
•WAhI,op.dt.,i8o.z. 1CUp,idl IWalU,i8».
Digitized by
THB BTRirOGRAnnr OF KXKBAtL aj
cavefiiUf tfimmady a^d hsir entkelj ilunFtB fttm the hmd^ wkicb is covered idtb a nndlaip called a tebccdka; ^eir eai* are laige^ and •tandinf out from the head ; a loag neck^ rtrf wide sboalden^ and a bceaddMft Sadi ie the deecripdon Xh; Fudie givtt of their fenn and I^iyiiosiioiiif. They aieinoreofer generally taU and erect; theirgitltis manly and in^KMing. The doctorwasahrayt warm in his prate of tUs race. He says ^at whenever he entered a Tartar moeqoe he was ahrayi etmde wkh the fine and noUe ftatares of dwir fkien, and be I his b^ef that the ancient Italian artists might have chosen from r thn race siost admhaUe snbiecis for their sacred pictnres.*
Of the women, Toaifdli says: ^Theyare middle sired, and rather stout; like the men, they stand erec^ but walk badly and zwkwwMff a drconstance prhidpally owing to tiie henry dress they wear. They soon grow old, so that a woman of twenty-seven has the look of (me of forty; this is omng to the custom they have of painting their frees. Their compteicm b raAer yeDow, and their frees ate often covered with pimples and a rash, which proceeds pardyfrom the habit of constantly lyii^ on feather beds and partly from their heavy and ovei^warm dotUng."
Dr. Fnchs ^bm soms op the chanurter of the race : ''They are,' he says^ ''proiid, ambitiocis, hoq;ntable, fond of money, deanly, tolerably dvifised, faitdligent in commerce^ indtned to boastfaig, friendly to each other, sober in every way, and very industrious. What is particalariy striking is the tenacity with which they have retained their national dbaracteristics, customs, and manners^ aldiough nearly three centuries have elqieedsfaice the race was scbdned by the Russians.'* Ouranthor goes on to describe in graphic frshion the manners and customs of the Tartars in very great detaflt I will content mysdf with extracting a paragraph ex two. One describing their dress is as follows : ^The drew of the Tartars of Kasan is so diierent from that of every other nation that it certainly deserves description. They wear a shirt (knhniak) made of calico^ sometimes white and sometimes red ; their drawers (sditann) are worn very wide^ and are made likewise of calico, or oocasiooally of silk; thdr stockings^ called yuk, are of cotton ee Been ; a spedes of leather stockings, generally of morocco leather, oOled ich^i, red or yellow, are worn over the stockings, or sometimes are substituted for them. Thdr sfippers, called kalut, are made of black or green leaUier. Over the shirt they wear two garments, somewhat in the shape of a European frock-coat without a collar ; the under one, having no sleeves, is made of silk ; the upper, with sleeves, likewise of silk, is caBed kasald. Over these they wear a long wide robe, generally of blue doth, called chekmen, which is attached to the body by a scarf (poda). In a podcet of this garment they keep their pocket-handkerchief
* TomlrtUi, Uo io, ax.
Digitized by
34 HISrORY OF THE MONGOLS.
(duumlok). Their heads, which are shaven to the skin, are coYtted with a species of skuU-cap, called takia ; this is covered when they go out with a hat (burik), made of velvet or doth and ornamented with far ; the rich Tartars use for diis purpose beayer-skins of great value.*^
The following phrases from the love letter of a Kaxan Tartar exldbit the graceful hncy of the race :—
^In the garden there are many flowers, many various flowers; but that flower which recalls you to my mind, my beloved friend, is the most short-lived of any.
''All that we need can be satisfied; hunger can be satisfied with a piece of bread, thkst with a draught of water, bat what can satisfy my love for you?
^'Alas ! you are passing your time in the midst of pleasures, I am passing mine in the midst of sighs and sadness ; you are blooming in the midst of the worid like a flower of Paradise I am fSMling and perishing here in the midst of sohtude and silence.
^The Vo^ flows rapidly, time flies still more nq>idly, but how sioiHy move the minutes of absence l^t
A more pathetic passage is the following q>itaph from a tombstone near U£^ on the banks of the river Diuma, which is mudi revered by the Tartars. It is as follows :—
^' Goss Gussian Bey, a Judge^ fiili of equity, and wdl informed la all the Uws, here lies buried.
^ We beseech Thee, O Lord, to have pity upon him, and pardon his
''He died in the year 774 (of the hejira^ in the seventh nigbt of the sacred month.
«He pUnned and prcjected-^ie wished to eiecute; but Death opposes the vain projects of man.
'' No one on earth can escape Death. Strai^ger or friend I when thou Shalt pass this tomb^ think of thy last end.^t
The influence of the Tartars was naturally very great iqwn the various Ugrian races of the Volga, and it is not at all improbable that one of them, whidi is very important from its numbers, namdy, the Chuvashea (and who^ the most recent Russian investigations make it probable, are descended from the andent Bulgers), received from contact with the Kasan Tartars the Turkish dialect which they speak^ and which is dearly not their original language, but one which has been adopted. This question, however, is only remotdy connected with our present subject
Digitized by VjOOQIC
CHAPTER IL
JUCHI AND BATU.
JUCHI KHAN.
IN the eailier and less locky days of JtngisKIuu^ the Maldte made a raid upon his tent and canried off his wife Burt^ idio was then enceinte. Wai^ Khan, tiie chief of the KenitSi recovered her and xestofed her to her husband. On the way she gure birth to a son, who was named Jndii,^., the unexpected or the recendyanhred.* The man who went to letch hei^ covered the infiutt with doogb, and, pnttiof himinthefoldof his doakfWentoffwithhimonhoaeback. Thiswms about the year 1176. Snch was the trirth of a prince whose posterity governed a rast empire. His name occors for the first thne, according toAbii]ghaximiao3,when,wearetold,he commandfd the kftwbgt^ his fiuhei's army against Tayang Khan, the chief of tiie Naimansrf but this is probably a mistake for his onde Jtichi Kasar. He took part in lus Mier's campaign against Qiina i) but it was after tins and when Jingis Khan came into conflict with the Khnaiesm Shah Mohammed that Judd becomes prominent The origin and eariy liistory oi this campaign is only told coraorily m the former vohuie, and may wdl occupy a smaU space here.
It was not probable that two vast enfures which bordered upon one anodiery liliich were both peopled by waxlike inhabitants, and bodi mkd by ambitions pihices, woold kag remahi at peace, and cause of quarrel soon arose between te mtor of Khuaremi and the great eonqooor in the East, Jingis Khan. At first, however, their intercourse seems to have been amicable. This £cuitfiil valleys of Transoiiana were then eiceedingly prospenms— filled with bosy dties, the focus of Asiatic adtnre, and merdants ftom thsnoe seem to have made their way into remote ctfmas of Asia, dMy trafficked with Bidgaria for die prodnctsof the for countries of Siberia, and with the Mongols for objects of eastern ofigm. We axe tokl that a number of these merdumts found diemsdv«s at the court of Jii^ soon after he had subdued the nomades of Eastern Asia. Among them there are specially named Ahmed of Khojend, the son of tiie Emir Hussdn San,and Ahmed Tajik.!
* ^»"Jg^«», xtS. t Abttlslutfi, 89. I ErdmaaA't TesM^iiii 319.
I Brdmann't Temndljio, 5S&
Digitized by
26 HISTORY OF THE MONGOLS.
We are told that one of tkem exhibited his wares before the Great Khan, and asked him an exorbitant price for diem, two or three gold balishes for things only worth ten to twenty dinars Jingis was enraged, and said, *^ This man fancies that we have niever seen such things before f and he ordered the riches of his wiffdrobe to be displayed before him, and then had the merchant's goods confiscated, and had him put under arrest. When his two companions were introduced ^ey diplomatically put no price on their goods, and merely said, ^^ We have brought these for the emperor." This pleased him so much that he ordered a golden balish to be ^ven them for each piece of golden tissue, a silver balish for every two pieces of fine cotton, and another for every two pieces of coarse doth. He then summoned the merchant whose goods had been confiscated and paid him after the same rate. The three traders were well treoted, were supplied with food, and also with white felt tents.* On their departure Jingis ordered his relatives and the noyans and other grandees to choose two or three agents eadi, and to supply them generously with money, and then ordered the wlude body to return with the merchants to the ensure of Khnarezm to purchase some of its products, and no doubt also to rq>ort on the condition of the country. This caravan according to Juveni and Rashid, con- sisted of 450 persons, who are said to have been all Muhammedans. Muhammed of Nessa, who was a high official at the court of Muhammed*s son, and is therefore very reliable, says their number was only four, whom he names Omar Khoja,<tfOtrar} £1 Jemal, of M4niga ; Fakhruddin, of Boldiara; and Aminoddin, of Heratt They were probably the four leaders <tf the caravan. The caravan was s^parently preceded by three envoys specially sent by Jingis, who were named Mahmud Yelvaj, of Khuarezm; Ali Khoja, of Bukhara; and Yusuf Gemzga, of Otrar. They todc with them silver bars, musk, jade, and robes made of whice camel's wool called Tarkul, as presents for the Khuarezm Shah, and they also bore letters in which Jin|;is recounted to him the various Idogdoms he had subdued^i^d the power he had acquired; he urged that it would be well that they should cultivate each other's ftiendship, and he commended the merchants to his care. The letter, however, breadied that arrpgant spirit which pervaded all Mongd documents, and, altho«|^ politely worded, Muhammed was given to understand that bis correspondent was really his patron, and in addresdi^ Muhammed as his son he xea^ meant that he should ccmsider himself his vassaL Muhammed treated the envoys well, and in die evening he smnmoned Mahmud Ydvij to him, and addressed him thus: ^Yon are a Mussofanan and a native of Khuarezm. Tell me the truth. Has your master conquered Tam|^ia4| orno?" At the same thne be gave him a cosdy stone from hb casket*
>'£rdiiuuui,op.cIt.,3S7. IVOhiMB, L 009. t l>t>lMNa» 1. ao6.
Digitized by VjOOQIC
PJCBI KHAN. 37
'^ As trae is it as that tlie Almighty lives; and moie^ he win shortly be the master of the wbde world,*' was the answer. ''OhyMahmiid9''the Suhan said, ^ you know the eitent of my emi^ and my wide-^treadiog power. Who is thb Khan of years, who presomes to can me his son, and speaksto me in ftodi an arrogant tone? How great is his aimy— how extended his power?** Tpidiidihei^ned,^TheaniqrofTcQiii4jm is to Oiat of the Sultan hke the Kghtoralan^besidethesmi; like the faceof a monster compared to that of a RamdianlWc* The result of thb intenriew was the arranging of a treaty of peace between the two sovereigns. After which the envoys retmned home to their master,*
Meanwhile die caravan I have named above made its way to Otrar, which, as I have said, was governed by Ina^nk Gah: Khan. We are told he was oflfanded at the impertinence of one of the party, who is said to have been a Hindu, and who addressed him very famnhofy, but he was doubtless more moved by the duuMe of confiscating so mndi wealth wluch had come in his way, for hewasfiunoos for his avarice^ and he determined to put them to death and to seise their treasure. He apparendy treated them with great dvifity, but meanwhile sent a ^despatch oS to Mohammed, in whidi he represcnled to him that diese people who came in the guise of merdiants were really qnes. This crafty letter had die dedred effect Muhammed's suspicions were aroused, and he sent back word diat Ganr Khan was to do what prudence suggested. The latter acoocdiai^y invited the merdiants to his pakc^ where he gave them an entertainment! and then had them seoedy mnrdered; but one of the victims managed to escape. Wearetoldhe was a camd driver, who had gone to one of the pubUc hot baths, and managed to esciqpe by the fireplace. He returned to Jingb and r^orted to him the slaughter of the enyoys.t
Jiiq^ Khan was nalnrany enraged. He sent off envoys to complain taMuhanuned about his subordhiateV treachevy, to acqiednt the Sultan that the greater number of the mnrdered envoys were Mussulmans, and to remind him of the very difieient treatment his subjects had met with in Mongolia. He drmaodfd that Gair Khan should be surrendered, and ofiered him war as the ahemadve of refiisaL The bearer of the message was a Turk named Bagra, whose fitther had been in the service of Sultan Takish. But Gair Khan was too powedbtty connected to attow the Sultan to surrender bun, nor does he seem to have been pleased with the tone of the message, for he pot Bagra to deadi, and sent back the two Mongols widi their beards cut4 Jugis Khan was so moved by tUs atrocity that he wept and couU not rest He dhnbed a mountain, irt»^ uncovenng his head and throwing his girdle over his
•Bcdaa]iB,o^dt,357,3s8. DXWimob, I. tos, ao» tT«bdtiaiNMlri.i7x«i7i* MoIm. PMiia» la Croit, 145-148.
:Dt)lMMB,LS07i9Q|( PttiidtiACtOil,X4a
Digitized by
28 HISTORY or THV MONGOLS.
shooideri he unroked the fcngesuice of God^ and pessed thzae days and nights £uti]i0> Ab«]£uaj, to whom we owe the accounti adds that on the third ni^t a monk dxetied in bJack appeared to him in a dream and bade him fear nothing^ that he would be snccessfol in the campaign he meditated. On awaking he repeated the dream to his wife Obolgine^ the daughter of Wang Khan, of the Keraits. She assured him that the monk was a biahop who was in the habit occasionally of visiting her father and of giving him his blessing. Jingis Khan appealed to the Uighur Christians if they had any such bishop among them. They accordingly summoned Mar Denha, upon which Jingis said that although the bishop was similarly dressed to the apparition whidi he had seen that his hct was different. The bishop then said it must have been one of the Giristian saints who had gone to him. After this adventure, we are told, Jingis treated the Christians with especial con* sideration.*
It win be confessed that Jingis Klian had enough provocation for the invasion he made of the West, but he had other reascms than those I have enumerated. The Khalif, who had grown jealous of the power of the Khuarezm Shahs, also made overtures to the Mongol chief. We are told that he summoned his advisers about him, and rqnresented to them the danger the Khalifate stood in from the ambition ci Muhammedt and that he was determined to enter into communication with Jingis Khan, whose vizier, Mahmud Yelvaj, was a Muhammedan. The council, we are told, was much divided. The minority approved his suggestion, but Ae m^Ority urged that it was impious and wrong to make allies of infidels in strugs^iing with good Mussulmans. The Khalif, in reply, ssdd that a Muhammedan tyrant was worse than one who was an infidel, and that Jingis had numbers of Mussulmans about him, one of his chief ministers bdng one. His view previdled, and a suitable envoy was chosen. In order that he might not be discovered b traversing the very crodced gaundet he would have to pass, it was determined to write his passport on his bald head. Having given hun the message he was td deliver, they then tattooed his credentials in a few words on his head, in the violet colour called by them nil (/.#., Indian blue), in the manner (Dela Qoix says) they do to fnlgrims at Jerusalem, and then sped him on his way. The envoy reached the chanceUary of Mahmud Yelvaj in safety. He was received in secret audience by Jingis Khan, and when asked for his credentials bade them shave his head. They did so, and found that the Khalif proposed that he and fmgis should attack the empire of Khoaresm on either side. At that time it would seem that Jingis was not di^iosed to fight, and gave the envoy a diplomatic answer, but the Khalif s invitation no doubt formed a considerable bgredient in the motives ifriiich afterwards moved him. This invitation, ^i^ch
^ Erdmum, op. cH^ 614. Pttit it U Cfolx, x49-iST.
Digitized by
jnCHX KHAN. 29
tvtsAxttHj brot^ht so mucfa &aster upon the Muftnfmans, has diftwn iDiich Uame down on the Khalifs hcML MIrthond comfMots him to tiie three devout jrilgrims in the MUt^ vrho one day met In die fields mth a heap of rotting bones. Ihej began to ^Bspute about them, hot could not agree as to what the animal was. They tiien determined to pray conseculivdy to God to revirify the animaL The first had hardly finished his prayer when a great wind arose and bfonght the bones together, when the second was praying the bones weve covered with fiesh, while in answer to the prayer of the third the object began to move with life. They tiien found it was a Hon, who sprang 1900 them and devoured them.*
In the year r2r6 Jingis sent his general, Subutai, against an array of Merfcits which had assembled on the Altai mountains, under command of Khudn or Khodn, the brother of Tukta Bigi, Uie chief of the Merfcits, and the letter's three sons Jilaun, Jiyuk, and KntuDcan Meigen. The Merldts were badly defeatedi and Knltukan was captured and conducted before Judd. He was a fimious archer, ^Hience he got his soubriquet of >f ergen. Juchi, who was his fiidier*s duef huntsman, wished to save his life, and appealed to his felher. The latter refesed, urging that the Merfcits had been among thdr deadliest fees, and that after conquering so many Idogdoms they could well dispense with one man. He was accordingly put to death.t
The authors who recount this story would make out that the whole Merfcit nation was thus exterminated, but we read in other accounts that two yean later a Mongol army was in pursuit of a body of Merfcits which had fled westwards to the country of the Kanfcalis, and according to Ibn al Athir and Muhammed of Nessa, this army was commanded by Juchi in perscm.} There is some ccmfusion in the accounts. Some of them call the leader of the Meriits Tufc Tus^ian.} Rashid calls him Khudn, and he is called Huodu in the Yuan Shi.| The two latter anthon make the Mongols be commanded by Subutai, and it is probable that they confesed the expedition of 1218 with that of 1216^
To continue our story, the Mbqgols had pursued the Kanfcalis in the direction of Jend, had overtafcen them between the rivers Kahli and Kamadj— the Kaili and Kamich of Erdmann— and had completely defeated them. It is very probable that this battle was fought in the valley of the Qui.
Muhammed was returning from Irafc, where he had left his son Rokn ud din in charge, and had reached Samarkand when he heard of the approach of die fugitives under Tufc Tughan. He consequently marched in tiie direction of that town, by way of Bufchara, to prevent them
* Pctii de I« Croit. 13S. t Erdnaan, op. ett.. 533- D'OhMOS, i. isf.
I DX>baMa. i. ao9. Note. f D*Ohttoa« i. 208. Kaverty, Tatttat i Naiiri, iSS. Nolt.4.
|Breticfaiieider»Notic8sofMediaBvaITrtT8Utrt,ac^i74. N«t0,3O3.
Digitized by
3D HUntORY OP TBI MONOOLS.
ooisiagiiitoliisteffkoKy. He then heard that they were being panned hf an anny of Mongols onder a ion of Jingis himself This induced him to return to SanMulnnd for xeinlbfcementSy with which he again advanced towards Jend, thinkings in the qnahit language of the chnmider, ''to bring down two birds with one arrow/ He pushed on towards tiie scene of the recent strug^ where numerous dead bodies were lying aboot^ among which was a wounded Meridt who was stiU alive. From him he learnt that the Mongols had retired after their Tictmy. He pursued and overtook diem in a place called Karaku, perhaps die lake Karakul The Mongol chief (wfao^ according to Ibnal Athir, was Juchi himsetf) sent word to Muhammed diat their two Uagdoms were not at war, that they had aheady entrapped the prey whan they were in seardi e^ and that he had orders to tr^u the Khuaresmians as ftiends. He also ofoed Muhammed a portion of the booty and prisoners whom he had captured from the Merkits. Muhammed, whose forces were nmch more numerous than those of the enemy, rq^ed that if Jingis had given no orders on the subject diat God had <»dered him to attadc the Mongols, and that he would win his iqpproval by destroying the pagans. Then die two armies prepared to ^t; the great trumpet, Kenena, fifteen foetlong^ was bIo«m,die brass timbrels, called Kns, the drums, fifes, and other warlike instruments sounded the charge.* Major Raverty says die right wings of either army, as is often the ease in eastern, aa it has firequently been in western batUes, broke thdr reipeetive opponents. The Mongds then attacked the Khuarennian centre. The Sultan was in some danger when his gallant son Jdalud din, who had been victorious on die rii^ charged the Mongols in flank, and saved the centre firem defeat The fight was maintained with great obstinacy until ni^itftO, when die two armies retired to a short distance confronting each odier. The Giinese author transbted by GaubUadds a curious Cut to those rqiorted by the westecn writers. He tdls us diat Pitu, the son of Ydn liuko^ triiom Jingis had ^ipolnted king of Liantung, took part in dus fight on the skle of the Mongols, as did his rdadve Yeh kohay. The former was badly wounded, but seeing Judii surrounded by the enemy he rushed to the rescue, and both managed to force their way outt
After the fight the Mongols lighted an jipm^n*^ number of fires to deottve the Khuaresmians, and decanted quietly during the night to join fht camp of Jingis.^ The site of this batde is not vt^ easy to determme. One account says it was in the country of Kadigar4 other accounts say on the frontier of die country of the Jetes, while one says it was widim the borders of Khuarezm. This seems to show it was on an indefinite frontier, and strengthens die identification of it with some place in the valley of the Giu.
<PtCis^la€roli,iS9-x6x. tQtobU,Hittoix«d«QMUhiieMuac^3& |TaMirtiNuifi,a6S.$09. %'d.
Digitized by
JUCHI KHAN. 3t
Saltan Mnhanmied, we are told, having thus witnessed and beheld with his own eyes in this encounter the waiUke feats^ the activity^ and the effnts of the Mongol forces, the next day retired from that place^ and fear and dread of them took possession of his heart and mind, and he never ..gain came against them.* He retired to Samaikand, where he was seized widi unaccountable uresc^tion aidiough his forces probably numbered 400^000, but they were wantii^ in the discipline and soldieily inrtues of the Mongols. Nor had they the latter^s incentive to fight. To them victory would bring little but barren honours, while to the Mongols it would open the gate to the rich treasures of Transoxiana. We are tcdd that Jucbi was well received and much praised for his conduct by his fiither.t
Meanwhile, in the autumn of 12 194 Jingis, who had summered his horses on the Irtish, in the country of the Naimans, marched westwards with the main army. This he presently divided into four divisicms, one of whidi, under the command of Juchi, was sent against Jend and Yani^iikent With him marched the ulus Bede, that is, the Ui£^nrs.| He first attacked Si^mak, which afterwards became the capital of the White Horde. In order to avoid bloodshed, he sent an envoy to summon its inhabitants. He chose for this purpose a Mussulman ilamed Hassan Haji {i,e,j the pilgrim), who had been in Mongolia as a trader.l He urged upon the inhabitants the prudence of coming to terms with the Mongols. This counsel was rudely declined, and in the popular tumult which followed in the bazaar he was torn to i^cces. This treacherous conduct enraged Juchi, and he determined to press tiie attack with the utmost vigour, relays of fresh men continually replaced those who were wearied out, until the place was captured. This was after a seven days' siege. According to Mirkhond, all the garrison was pot to death, and more than one-half of the principal inhabitants paid with their lives for the murder of Hassan. The town and the rest of the inhabitants were spared, inasmuch as the Mongols needed it as a base, a magnificent mausoleum was raised in the chief place in the dty to the memory of Hassan, and a splendid funeral was accorded to his renuuns according to the Muhammedan custorxLif This account seems so circumstantial that we must adopt it rather than the conven- tional description of its fate followed by Erdmann and D'Ohsson. Juchi gave the government of Sighnak and the surrounding district to Hassan's son.** The fate of Sighnak overawed the neighbouring towns. Uzkend determined to surrender, and when the Mongol* were witlun two days* inarch of it they sent in their submission, the governor and garrison meanwhile retiring to Benaket Juchi treated the town with great con-
*i4b,«70i. t Abnlghiri, 107. IBrettcIndderNoticM, &C..59- Note,87i
\ Bi4fiuuia'« Taiiii4)in) ^u I Abulghad, 1x2. D'OhMOO, i. 221.
%'D%\m. Croix» i7Sr iT^* ** D'OhMOB, L taa. 1
Digitized by
33 HISTORY or TBB MONGOLS.
siderationy and having levied a omtribatioii of food meidy, fofbade it to be plunderied^ and advanced towaxds Eshnash* Voa Hammer and others identify this town with Tashkend, considcriQg the name to be a conniption of £1 Shath, but it is written Hanasa in the Chinese andiority translated by Gaufail, nor was Tashkend at aU in die direction taken by JuchL It is probable that all three towns were sitnated north of the moimtains separating the valleys of the Sihm and Chit. We are told E^hnas made a gallant defence, and was not captured without some bloodshed.* He then captured Bakhaltakirt or Barkhaligkendiand after- wards advanced upon Jend. It was a fiunous town in the east, having been the Urtlq^lace of several celebrated men. From it^ according to Hfakhondy twenty Scythian envoys went to meet Akander, praying hun if he were a god to show it by doing good to men, and if but a man to reflect on the uncertiunty of his omdltiony instead of proceeding further with the design to rob them of their goods and quiett At this time it was ruled by a petty dynasty. The name of the ruler was KuthighTimur, whose £tther had submitted to the Khuaresm Shah and was a dependent of his. He was very ridi, and on the approach of the Mongols thought it prudent to reChe westwards towards Khuaresm with his treasures. The inhabitants meanwhile determined to defend the town. Juchi sent an emissary named, Chin TimuTi to counsd them to submit, and he rendnded them of the fate of Sighnak. They would have killed him but diat he promised to persuade the Mongols not to touch the city. When he repeated the result of his journey and the condition of the place, he, according to Khuandemur, suggested to Judii diat he should storm it on the side where the inhabitants deemed it most inaccessible, namdy, where it was defended by a ditch. His suggestion was adopted. Three false attada were made elsewhere^ and the battering engines were planted at the weakest part of the defences. When the day for the attack had arrived^ the latter were assailed amidst great shouts and the sound of timbiels, drums, &c. ; the battering rams were pUnted, and the Mongol slingers drove the besi^(ers from the wall. This was at dusk. When suspicion had been hilled. Chin Timur phtced his bridges on the ditch and planted two ladders against the waU, one of which he mounted himselfl The walls were scaledi the gates were opened, and the Mongols let in before the garrison was properiy aroused. Thus, says Petis de la Crouc, was the city of Jend taken without any loss, for the Mongds, meeting with no resistance, did not destroy any one. The inhabitants were ordered to leave the town and to go into a neighbouring plain, where they remained for nine days and were numbered. The Mongols then plundered the housesy and having phmted a garrison there under the orders of All Khoja, who was a Muhammedan from Bokhara, and had been with the Mongols before the war, as I have mentioned,
•De In Croix, x;7. t D« U Croix, 177.
Digitized by VjOOQIC
J9CHI KHAN. 33
tSbcf allowed diem to return^ oi^ two or tbree of them, wlio hed abased dun Timor in his ccmfere&ce with the inhabitaiit^ were killed.*
Jochi now despatdied a toman or division to capture the town of Yans^iikenty wUch was situated on the Jaaoutes, two days^ journey from its oirtM into the sea of AiaL There also he phiced a commander. Soon alter this the idns Bede, li., the Uigurs, were permitted to return home, and Juchi replaced diem by a body of xopoo auxiliaries from the Kankali steppe^ under the command of Ainal Noyan, and sent them towards Khuaiesm, They went on with the advance guard, but diese unruly nomades killed the commander Ainal Noyan set over them, and afterwards scattered and sought refiige about Amnydi and Meni.t
While Juchi was subduing the towns on the lower Jaxartes, his brothers were conquering those further east, and his fother advanced on Samarkand and Bokhara. After the frdl of those towns Jingis sent his three eldest sons, Juchi, Jagatai, and Ogotai, against Khuarezm, where there were at this thne three commanders, Khumar Tikin, Uofjbdl Hajib, and Feridnn. The first of these was the eldest brother of the fiunous Tuxkan Khatun, the mother of Muhammed Khuaresm Shah, and he had been appointed governor of UrgenJ by his nephew.
Urgenj was then very populous, and its people were living an easy life, not suspecting the storm which was about to break over them. "When the Mongd advance guard approached the gates and carried off some horses and asses, the hyperibolic Abulghazi would have us believe that they were pursued by looyooo horsemen from the town, who overcook them at a garden situated a frusang distant, and named Baghi-Kurrem, ig^ Garden of Delights ; there the Mongols had planted an ambush, and such a carnage ensued that but ten men escaped of the 100,000! I! The Mongob pursued them as frir as a place called Ttenrd, and ravs^^ the whole country round. On the foUowing day they beleaguxed the town4 Juchi sent in a summons for it to surrender, telling its people that it had been given him by his froher, and that he wished to preserve Its beauty intact This summons was not obeyed, and the f iqj;e proceeded* It lasted for seven months, the Mongol catapults, for lack of aiones, havhig to be^ served with balls made out of die neighbouring n^ulbeary trees soaked in water; the besiegers further attempted to divert the waters of the Oxus above the town, and sent 3,000 men to dig the necessary ditch, but the garrison attacked and destroyed these workmen* The siege work was hampered by the quarrels o£ the two brothers Jochi and Jagatai, and to punish them Jingis superseded them and i^pointed Ogotai, whose generous and docile deposition was wdl suited to restoto peace. This policy was successftd, and die siege was pressed on. Gaid^s Chinese authority tells us the inhaUtanu had pbmted then: best
* Petit do la Croix, X78-X82. Erdaumn, 9p.cit,373»373. D*Olis«oa, {. a»» «34 t Brdmaao, S74* I Atolgluud, tit.
T
Digitized by
34 HISTORY or THS MONGOU.
troops along the river, and had constnicted ten entrenchments. They had also prepared a well amied fleet Kc^oyu, who had been an officer of the Kin empire, but had passed over to the side of Jingis on the latter's great victory in I2II, was ordered to attack the fleet We are told he made a number of fire arrows, which he discharged during a wind, and which set the boats in a blaze. Under cover of the confiisioa and smoke caused by this fire the Mongols attkcked and forced the entrenchments and captured the town.* Its inhabitants were <»dered to evacuate it, the artisans, consising of ioo/xx> families, were set apart ; the girls and boys wore reduced to slavery ; the rest were distributed among the soldiery twenty-four to each, and all were then slaughtered.
Abulghaxi says it is reported that the Sheikh Nadjmud din Kubra, son of Omar the Khivan, whose name had a worid-wide repute, was then at Urgenj. The Mongol princes sent to ask him to go out, so that he might not be trodden under by the horses. He replied that he was not alone* but had relatives and slaves. They then bade him go with ten persons. He replied, he had more than ten. Then they said he might go out with 100 persons. He said he had more than loa Then said they, take i,ooo persons ; but he replied, ^ In happier days I knew all these people, who were my friends. How can I abandon them in their misfortune ? No, I cannot leave." At this moment the Mongols arrived at his house, and after sendii^^ several of them to Hades, he ended by himself receiving the crown of martyrdom. It is said (ui^ in the Koran, sura ii., verse 151), "We belong to God, and we return to him.*^ This very problematical story, partially constructed out of the old history of the fall of the cities of the plain, one only quotes as illustrating eastern modes of thought Its detaib are entirely contrary to wha^ we know of Mongol policy, which was not over tender to Mussulman saints*
Juchi was much piqued at being superseded, and, after the capture of Uigenj, he, according to the Persian authors, retired to the deserts of the Kirghiz Kazaks, and subdued the Kankalis and other tribes there; probably making himself master of the various xiomades who lived in the steppes between the Yaik and the Jaxartes.
The Yuan chao pi shi and the Ts ing cheng lu, however, say that after the fall of the dty all three brothers repaired to their ftither's camp. It was probably after this he retired hi dudgeon.^ The cause of the Quarrel with his brothers, which led to impcnrtant results afterwards, is perhaps to be found in the fact of the ambiguous circumstances sur* rounding his birthj and which made it possible for people to sc^(gest that he was a bastard, a soubriquet that is not eaaly foigiven. It was periiaps because of this suspicion that his father made his brother Ogotai and not himself the head of the house. He spent his time in huntmg, and was master of the hunt in the estabiishment of Jmgis. When in
*Op.cit.,jf. f Abplsbasi* ns, 120. } Bntichiieider, 66. 67. iVideuite.
Digitized by VjOOQIC
JUCHI KHAN. 35
1224 }ii^ retumed home from his Indian campaign, he ordered Jachi to go and meet him at Kolan Tashi, near the Jaxartes, and drive a vast body of wild animals^ so that they thoold concentrate there and he might enjoy his fimxirite sport Jndii himsdf did not go, bat he had the myriads of rild asses his hxhet loired to hunt driven to the appointed lendesvous. His fiifther had given him orders to conquer the country north of the Black Sea» inchiding, according to Rashid, Ibir SilAr, Bulgaria, Kipchak, Baschguerdia (f>^ Hungary), Russia and Circassia ; but die lazy hunter neglected this duty, and was content with the appanage he had already acquired. This consisted of the Eastern KipchaV, a great part of whadi was known in later days as Desht Jitteh. Irritated at Juchi for not prosecuthig the eonquest of the desert tribes,* Jingis had cm Jus journey homewards from Persia sent him several summons to go to him. He had excused himsdf on the ground of bis bad healdiy and he was in fiict irawen. When Jingis arrived once move at h^s otdu, in Fibiuaty, 1225, a Mangut alio arrived there from JvuMh country, who repotted that he was wdl and that he had seen him leoendy engaged in hunting. Jingis, we are told, was convinced his son had williAy disobeyed him, and determined to bring him back to his obedience sharply ; said his two other sons, Ogotai and Jagatai, had in fact set out with the adfance guard, Jingis himself proposing to follow on that errand, when news arrived that he was deadt Juchi died in 1224,
and according to If .VeliaminofZemof, he was buried'near Seraili (PSeraiXt He was then forty-e^ht years old.
WheUier Jingis had the intention to displace his dde§t son from the hdrship of the Mongol empne, ettiier from his questionable birth or from his repeated disobedience or not, it is clear that his death made matters more easy for such a revolution. According to Mongol law a soverdgn is always succeeded by his eklest surviving brodier, and thus the immediate heritage on Juchi's death fell not to his sons but to his brodier, and by the will of Jingis, Ogotai was in (act named his heir. Juchi's family succeeded, therefore, not to the Imperial dignity but only to their frther^ special uks or appanage^ which was apparently conterminous with Khuaresm proper and the steppes of the Kankalis; the Ural, the Jaxartes, and the Qzus bdng the rivers which watered it
The senior wife of Juchi was Bdcntemish, the daughter of Yakembo, broUier of the Wang Khan of the Keraits. She was one of three fomous sislers, the other two being 3h]rkukteQi,the wifo of Tuloi, and Abika, the wife of Jingis, whom he afterwards married (being directed thereto in a dream) to a Urut prince, who was acting as his body guard.} His second wife was Old or Ukm Kuchin, the daughter of Ilji Noyan of the Kunkurats.1 Another of his wives was Sultan Khatun, of tiie
* Abulghan, 140, 141. D'Obnon. L 393, 354. Erdmann, Note, 33S.
t Erdoaim, Note, 336. X Abulcluud, 141. Note, i.
I Von Hammer, Qoldea Horde, 93. | Klaprotli, Koov. Jottm. A8imt.> lii. 4;4- Note.
Digitized by
36 HISTORY OF THB MONGOLS.
tribe Imen.* Khtundemir mentions a fourth, also a Kunkurat, who was called Saxkan.t By these, and probaUy other wives, he had a numenMis family. Rashid says forty sons, but this is doubtless a mistake for fourteen, and Khuandemir says expressly he had fourteen sons. He also left two daughters, one of whom was married to the Khan of the Karluksi and another to Sighnak Tikin, chief of AlmaligLf
BATU KHAN.
The various sons of Juchi are divided by Rashid into two divittoos. Those of the right hand, i>., the western division, and those of the left hand, i^^ the eastern divisioii, a division which probal^ coincides with their rdationship, those in each section having been by a different mother. Orda, the ddest son of Juchi, was the head of the eastern house, and Batu of the western, the latter being in a position of feudal dependence on the former. This dependence was, however, almost nominal We find Batu taking command of the anny which invaded Hungary (to whose doings I shall return pftsent]y)| and accocding to Abulghaii, idiose authority, however, on such a point is not of much value, he was nominated as successor to Juchi by Jingis Khan himsdt He tells us tiiat after the customary mourning Jmgis sent his brother Uch^n to ittstal Batu, sumamed Sain Khan, or the good prince, and to insist upon his brothers submitting to him. In case any of them reftised he was to be-sent to Jingis to be dealt with by him. When Batu heard of the approach of Uch^;in he sent his sons, brothers, and emirs to meet him, and then set out himadC The first three days after hb arrival were devoted to mourning for the death of Judd. After which Uchegin duly installed Batu, who was recognised by all his brothers. A great feast followed, in which the Mongv^, as was thdr custom, presented Batu with the cup, who in turn presented it to them again, and distributed rich presents. It was in the midst of these rejoicings that news arrived of the death of Jingis. | This story, as I have said, I believe to be largely £sibulous. Among the Mongols, as among nomadic people generally, die father left his dans and his herds,